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HARVARD UNIVERSITY.

LIBRARY

MUSEUM OF COMPARATIVE ZOOLOGY.

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CN|x3lvCX/vvjriiU

r(X/v\jo»JDauJ \v^^\Q\b.

TRANSACTIONS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorporated A. D. 1799

VOLUME 15. JULY, 1909

TO THE

UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

ON THE OCCASION OF THE FIVE
HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY OF
ITS FOUNDATION FROM YALE UNI-
VERSITY AND THE CONNECTICUT
ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

1909

PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF

YALE UNIVERSITY

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT
1909

TRANSACTIONS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorporated A. D. 1799

VOLUME 15. JULY, 1909

TO THE

UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

ON THE OCCASION OF THE FIVE
HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY OF
ITS FOUNDATION FROM YALE UNI-
VERSITY AND THE CONNECTICUT
ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

1909

PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF

YALE UNIVERSITY

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT

iqoq

y

WEIMAR : PRINTED BY R. WAGNER SOHN

OFFICERS FOR 1908-09.

President.
Hon. Simeon E. Baldwin.

Vice-Presidents.

Prof. Alexander W. Evans. Prof. Clive Day.

Prof. Hanns Oertel.

Secretary.
Dr. George F. Eaton.

Treasurer.
Mr. Lee McClung.

Librarian.
Mr. John Christopher Schwab.

Committee on Publication.

Hon. Simeon E. Baldwin, Chairman.

Prof. E. S. Dana. Prof. A. S. Cook.

Prof. H. Oertel. Prof. A. W. Evans.

Dr. G. F. Eaton. Prof. Clive Day.

Mr. J. C. Schwab.

CONTENTS.

Page

Art. I. — Some Itala fragments in Verona. By C. U. Clark . 5
Art. II. — Gods and Saints of the Great Brahmana.

By E. W. Hopkins 19

Art. III. — Communications from Spanish Cancioneros.

By H. R. Lang 71

Art. IV. — The Reconstitution of the Original Chanson de Roland.

By F. B. LuQuiENS 109

Art. v.— An Interpretation of Catullus VII. By E. P. Morris 137
Art. VI.— Contributions from the Jaiminlya Brahmana.

By H. Oertel 153

Art. VII. — The Austere Consistency of Pericles (Plutarch's

Pericles, IX-XV). By B. Perrin . . . .217
Art. VIII.— Swift's Hoax on Partridge, the Astrologer, and Si-
milar Jests in Fiction. By R. Schevill . . 225
Art. IX. — Notes on the Aramaic Part of Daniel.

By C. C. ToRREY 239

Art. X.—Constantine of Fleury, 985-1014, A.D. By F. M.Warren 283
Art. XL — Herodotus' Source for the Opening Skirmish at Plataea.

By H. B. Wright 293

Art. XII. — Notes on Milton's Ode on the Morning of Christ's

Nativity. By A. S. Cook 305

TPJ GN AGiYIAI nANeniCTHMIHI

eni TeieAecMeNHi

THI ne/nnTHI eKATONTAGTHPIAI GOPTAZONTI

ecnepioi

FePMANCON COOIHC AnGAAYCAMGN OYK AXAPICTOI,
leiNOAOKOY t' HeOYC, rNHClOY, YYIctPONOC.

TOirAp enicTHMWN eAOC oypaniojn gpatwn tg

neNTHKONTAA' eTUN NYN AGKATHN TGAGON
ACMGNOl GK TAIHC ACnAZOMGe' AAAOGPOOIO,

AAAO<t>PONOYNTeC a' OY, CYTrONOl ecnGPioi.

ei a' OYnoj nenePAKEN 6xoc niepoeic mcta aaTtma,

aaa' en£A nTGPoeNx' gnga kai gnga nePA.
A'OPA MSN oYn taa' orroTA re ah np6<i>pa)N AnoAeiAi,

AeiYlA, AYIOIGN a' eCCOMGNOI TO KAGOC.

Yale University. Thomas D. Goodell.

SOME ITALA FRAGMENTS IN VERONA

CHARLES U. CLARK

I. — Some Itala Fragments in Verona.

(■With I plate.)

Daring- the summer of 1899 I had the privilege of making a care-
ful study of the valuable librar}- of the Chapter of the Cathedral
of Verona. This collection vies with that in Lyons for the com-
pleteness of its representation of local types of writing from the
sixth century on. My investigations were directed by my beloved
master, the late Ludwig Traube, who utilized them especially in
his " Nomina Sacra."' Among the manuscripts to which he called
my attention was one labeled I (1) app. This proved to consist of
several detached leaves which had been torn out of earl}' codices
and used as fly-leaves {pagine di gitardia). Three of the folios had
belonged to a Bible, written (to judge from the handsome and
regular uncials) at Verona about 500 A.D. These were catalogued
as from the Vulgate ; but a cursory examination showed that they
presented a pre-Jerome version (for which I use the convenient
misnomer, Itala). Traube at once connected these fragments with
those of Prov. 15—17 discovered by Mone in the monastery of St.
Paul in Carinthia (which has Verona Mss.), and published b}- him
in his " De Libris Palimpsestis " (1855), pp. 49—51. Certainly these
latter stand about in the same relation to the Septuagint as ours.
Correspondence with Prof. Thielmann brought out the fact. that he
possessed a transcript of two of the fragments (those of Wisdom
and Ecclesiasticus), made b}' Dr. Hugo Linke of Breslau, who is
thus their original discoverer (cf. the reference in Ph. Thielmann,
Uber das handschr. Material zu einer krit. Ausgabe etc., Sitzungsber.
der philos.-philol. u. d. histor. Classe der k. ba3'er. Akad. d. Wiss. 1899,
Bd. II, Heft II, p. 211, 28). Both Prof. Thielmann and Dr. Linke
have kindly encouraged me to publish them. I add an interesting
lectio from Ezekiel, written in a cursive hand of the seventh or
eighth centur}', on the blank verso of the first folio of the MS. II (2)
of the same library. For aid and suggestions I am indebted to all
three gentlemen named, and also to the genial and helpful librarian
of the chapter, D. Antonio Spagnolo.

The three fragments contained in I (1) are badly rubbed and
torn. Folios 1 and 2 lack side and bottom margins, together with
the letters at the beginning and end of several lines, folio 2 being
in much the worse condition. Folio 3 lacks the inner, side and

8 Ch. U. Clark,

bottom margins, as will be seen from our plate, which reproduces
my photograph of the verso. Their greatest hight and width are
respectively 24fxl8, 20^x15^ and 22^x19^ cm.

(Letters only partly visible are enclosed in brackets ; those alto-
gether illegible or lacking are printed in minuscule.)

Fragment 1. Ecclus. 34, 12-30.

1 [odJuItA Ulb) IN peReQR)r\JATIONe mCA eRRANbo

2 ei ABUrvjbANTIA UeRBORUOD meoRUfii

3 )MTellecTus meus

4 pRequeMieR usque a6 moRTecD peRicliTATUs

5 sum boRum causa

6 et saIuatus sum qratia h\

7 s^s TimeiMTium bKim uiuet

8 ei IN RespecTU }llius BeNebiceNiuR

9 spes ervjim lUoRum supeR SAluATORem iUoR[u]m

10 ei oculi bT supeR eos qui biliquNi lUum

1 1 qui Timet bm Nibil iRepibAiuR

12 ex NJON pAuebiT quoNiAm ipse est spes ems

13 [T]imeNTis bNm ocata est ANimA

14 Ab quem Resp)ciT et quis est fORiiTubo e)us

15 [o]culi bNi supeR TimeNxes eum

16 pRoiecTOR poieNTiAe ex piRmAmeNXum uirtutis

17 xecumeN ARboRis ex umoRAculum meRib[iA]ni

18 bepRAecAX)o cfpeNS)ONis ex Ab}uxoR)um ca[s]us

19 exAlxANS ANimus ex iNluo')if\JANS oculos

20 bANS SANixAxem uixAm ex 5eNebicxiONe[m]

21 be iNiquis obIaxionibus

22 immolAMS ex iNiquo obIaxio esx mAculata

23 ex NON SUNX BeNeplACIXAe SUBSA[N]nationes

Notes to 1 recto.
1. in peregrinatione mea ] om. Vg. iu zrj anonhcvriau /uov Sept.
2. abmidantia — 3. mens\ pluritnas uerborum consnetudinesYg. nltiova
luw loywi' fuov, avfeaig fj.ov Sept. 4. frequentcr\ aliquotiensY^. nleovcr/.iq
Sept. 6. saluatits \ liberatus Vg. diBoMd-riv Sept. 7. domintun uiuet \
dcniji quaeriiiir Vg. -/.vqiov ^tjaizca Sept. 8. benedicentur (so the
Codex Amiatinus, A) ] -cetur Vg. Sept. omits the second half of
verse 14. 9. super saluatorem iUor{im'i)\ in saluanteni illos Vg. ini
Tov aw^ovra nitovg Sept. 10. siipcr COS qui diligunt illuui ] in diligentes

liala Fragments in Verona. 9

se Vg. Sept. omits this half- verse. W. deum\dominum\^. xvqiov
Sept. trepidatur] -dahit Vg. evXctiStjarjatTcu Sept. 13. eius add. Vg.
at end; om. A and Sept. 16. et ] om. Vg. ; xai Sept. 19. animus
(i. e. -os) ] -mam Vg. xpvx'^^ Sept. Perhaps influenced by oculos.
20. uitam] et n. Vg. Cw^> (without ;ifa) Sept. 21. r/f /. o. ] Vg. and
Sept. om. this heading : A has dc oblatione iniqiia. 22. {i)mmblans
(so ^) ] -ntis Vg. d-v6mtwv Sept.

1 verso.

1 ir\)ic|UORU(i)

2 non [p]lAceBurMT Alrisjimo oijlATiorvies iTMpioR[u]m

3 nee )N mulTITU^lK1e SACRIplClorxUm pROTIAOl

4 TUR peCCATIS

5 qui GfpeReT SACRIplClum ex SLUiJTANTIA pAUpeRum

6 ta[m]quAm qui occibii pilium im coNSpecTU

7 yjATRIS SU}

8 panis eqeNTium uita pAupeRis est

9 qui bepRAubAT )Uum bomo est sanjquinuo:)

10 qui aupeRet )M suboRe pANem quASi qui

1 1 occibAT pRoximum suuo^

12 et eppUKlbersJS SANQUINem et pRAUbANS

13 meRcebem meRceNJNARii

14 unu[s] AebipicANS ei UNJU? besTRuer^s

15 qui[b] pRobe esT illis NISI Iabor

16 unus [o]ran's ei UNU5 mAlebiceNS

17 cui[u]s uoceo") exAubiei bs

18 qui bApTISATUR A mORTUO CT ITeRUOl TANQIT lll[u]m

19 quib pROplCIT IM IaUACRO ?U0

20 sic homo qui leiuNAT supeR peccATA sua et

21 ITERUm AmOUlANS eAbeOD pACII

2 2 oraTioMeo") e)us quis exAubiet

23 et quid prop[l]ciT bum se bumillAueRIT

Notes to 1 verso.
1. iniqiiorum \ iniiistorum Vg. avuuMv Sept. The following verse
of the Vg. is omitted by the Sept. and by our text. 2. {nee or
non p)lacebunt etc. ] dona iniqnorum non probat altissimus, nee respicit
m oblationes iniqnorum Vg. ; oJx ci<Soy.ti o v^'iaiog if 7iqoa<f>OQcag cUs^wt^
Sept. 3. Vg. adds eorum after propitiabitur (our form is simply a
miswriting) ; it is not in the Sept. 5. offeret is merely the vulgar

10 Ch. U. Clark,

form, like auferet in 10. 6. [tanDquam ] quasi Vg. ; not in the Sept.,
but wi is added b}- Chrysostom Horn. 7, 537. occidit ] uiciimat Vg.
i)-iwv Sept. unoxrivwv Chrysost. 1. c. 8. pauperis^ -rum Vg. TievY\r(av
Sept. ; Sabatier adduces several cases of pauperis, which we find also
in A. 9. est sanguinum ] sanguinis est Vg. cw&Qwnog ctluuroiu Sept.
11. occidat] -diiYg. ; present ppl. in Sept. 12—13. (et e)ffundens etc. ]
qui ejfundit sanguinem et qui fraudem facit mercennario, fratres sunt
Vg. XHi ix)(8(oy aiua o anoazSQwy fziad-oi/ fA,i.ad^iov Sept. For this and the
following, Sabatier compares the similar passage from Pseudo-Au-
gustine de div. scr. (pp. 147-8, ed. Weihrich, C.S.E.L. 12). 15. prode
est, the common late form iox prodest. 18. ill{iini)\ cumYg. 19. /;/
lauacro suo\ lauatio illiusYg. rw (eV tw n A) Iovtqm kvtov Sept. 20. super
peccata sua ] /;/ peccatis suis Vg. mi with gen. in Sept. 21—23. iterum-
humiliauerit ] iterum eadem faciens, quid proficit humiliando se ?
orationem illius quis exaudietl Vg, y.ai niVkiv noQevouefog xal r« amu
noioii/- rijg nQoaev^fj^ ccvtov Tig siaaxotasTKi] xal ti fM^pe'A/jtr:*' tV tm zccnfivoo&TJfai
avTou ; Sept.

Fragment 2. Prov. 6, 7-19.

1 [N]eque sub bon')iNO sit

2 quomobo sibi y)RAepARAT AesTAie cibum

3 p[l]uRimAm Auiem peR oiessem facit

4 Repos)TioNe(.'^)o")

5 AUT uAbe a6 Apem et uibe [quAO")?]

6 opeRATRIX SIT

7 opeRATiorsjem AUTeo") quA[ni] sanctam(?)

8 0')eR[CAT]uR

9 CUIUS lABOReS [Req]eS et impe[R]l[Tl](?)

lO saluTem [Absu]muNT

I I QRATA eST AUTeOl omNIBUS [eT Qlo]riosa

12 eT CUOl SIT UIRIBUS )l\3[f]irmA

13 sApieMTiAO") l)ONioRAr\js [pRAeuecT]a est

14 quousque y)ic,eR lAces

15 quANbo Auieo") be somNO suR[ces]

16 oiobicuo:) quibeoi boRO'Jis

17 o^obicuoi AUTeo") sebes

18 [moblc]u01 UeRO bORmiTAS

19 [(r)]obicuo:) ueRo AmpleaeRis ODAnibus

20 pecTus

21 [b]eiNbe supeRueNieT- tibi sicut uiAtor

22 [eTjiNOpiA TAO:)qu[AO^] B0N3US CURsor

Itala Frapiucnts in Verona. 11

Notes to 2 recto.

1. {n)eque — sit\ ncc principcni Vg. ^afjcfs Ino 6i6nm\\v t-VSept. 2. quo-
modo sibi praeparat hestatie) ] parat in aestate Vg. (in om. A) quem-
admodum praeparat Ambr. Hex. 6, 118 izocfxcc^tTca {^sQOig Sept.
3—4. {pl)urimam autein per inessem . . . reposit. ] ct congregat in
messe quod comedat Vg. quae de tuis laboribus sibi niessem recondit
Ambr. 1. C. noXKr^v re eV tw df^ijio noieUai Trjy nc<Qd&€aiy Sept. 5—13 are
altogether lacking in the Vg. Sabatier supplies them from Ambrose
Hex. 5, 107 D. For clearness, I subjoin our entire passage : aut
uade ad apem et uide {quomodo ? quam ?) operairix sit, operationem
autem quam sanctam [?) mercatur; cuius /abores reges et imperiti (?)
salutem ad (for ad salutemT) summit \ grata est autem omnibus et
gloriosa, et cum sit uiribus infirma, sapientiam honorans praeuecta
est. The Ambrose passage runs as follows : uade ad apem et uide
quotnodo operaria est, operationem quoque quam ucnerabilem mer-
catur ; cuius laborem reges et mediocres ad salutem sumunt ; ap-
petibilis enim est omnibus et clara ; cum sit robore infirma, sapientiae
praedicatione substantiae suae producit aetatem. Jerome in Ezech. 3, 3
(also quoted by Sabatier) in pointing out that this passage is not
found in the Hebrew, translates the lirst part of it thus : uade ad
apem et disce quomodo operatrix sit, et opus suum castum faciat ;
cuius laboribus reges et imperiti pro sanitate abutuntur. Pseudo-
Augustine de div. scr. 86 (p. 594, Weihrich) reads : uel uade ad
apem, et disce quam laboriosa est [sit MVLC), operationem etiam {et
MVLC) quam sanctam mercatur \ cuius labores reges et mediocres ad
sanitatem offerunt; grata est autem omnibus et gloriosa et cum sit
uiribus infirma, sapientiam praedicans producta est. The Sept. has :
ri noQEv&r^iL nqog iriv ^i'/.iaaav xal u«'^f wg ioycaig lavw, r?jV te i^yaaiav wg
asuyrjf noieliaf jj? tovg nbvovg i3nm'Atlg xcd i&uorcu nQog vyeiccy nQootpiQovTai
[ffEQoi'Tca A), TTOt^sifri de iani' nciaii' xai inido^og' y.aint^ oiau r^ ^"'',"JJ ciod-eyijg,
rr^y aoifiay Tiiur]6aac< n^ojjx&r^. 14. quousquc ] usquequo Vg. iaces ] der-
mics Vg. y.uxc'c/.uoai Sept. 15. autcm de somno sur(ges) ] consurges
e somno tuo Vg. de H infov iyeQd^Tqcri Sept. 16—20. modicum qiiidcm
dormis, modicum autem sedes, {modic)um uero dormitas, {m)odicum
uero amplecteris mainibus) pectus {A has manibus pectus) ] pau-
lulum dormies, paululum dormitabis, paululum conseres manus ut
dormias Vg. oXiyou fxiy v7Tyo7g^ o/iyoi/ de xcc&r,aca, fAixohy de vvarciZeig,
oXiyov de irayxcdiCr; /^Q^^'' o^t'/^r, Sept. Our version is closely allied
to that given by Sabatier from Nicetius Trevir. Spicileg., which
however alters the particles somewhat, and reads pusillum for the
last modicum. Ps.-Aug. de div. ser. 86 (p. 595, Weihrich) agrees

12 Cli. U. Clark,

still more closely, the only variants being quidem for ucro (18),
auicm for uero (19), and manibus conplederis pectus (19-20) ; of. also
Paulin. Nol. Ep. 9, 2. 21-22. {d)einde superueniet tibi sicut nia{tor
pauperias)[et) inopia tamqiiiani) bonus cursor] ei ueniet tibi quasi uiator,
egestas, et paupcries quasi uir armatus Vg. deinde superueniet tibi
tamquam uiator paupertas, inopia antem sicut bonus c?<r5or Nicetiusl. c.
d. adueniet t. sicut malus uiator p., i. a. s. b. c. Ps.-Aug, de div. scr.
86. di' ivnaQayivercd aoi loaneQ xcexog o&oinoQog rj ntviu^ xcd 17 li^dticc want^
(<ya!^ug (f()oueui Sept.

2 verso.

1 ueniet ut f[o]NS messiS TUA

2 inopia autem TACnqUACT) mAluS UIR

3 longe fUQiet Te

4 uir prauUS ET irOiquUS }lNJ(;ReblTUR UIAS

5 NON BOIMAS

6 ille ipse Auiem annuit oculos et

7 s[)]Qr\3)ficAT yjebe

8 doceT AUTem NUTious oculoRum

9 perueRSO [AUTe]m CORbe pABRICAI (daIa

10 omni AUTem TempoRc qui taIis est concita[t]

1 I t[u]R6ATI0rMeS C1UII3US

12 propteR hoc uervjiei suimto iNieRiTus eius

13 Co[n]cISIO ei CO NJTRl 13 U I ATI INSANADlllS

14 quod g[AUbeT] IN bis qUAC obiT bMS

15 conte[RITu]R AUTem pROpTeR ll\5mUMblTIA[m]

16 A[N]imAe

17 OCuli c[o]tMT[uO')])llOSI llMQUA INiqUA

18 manu[s] SUNT eppUrvjbeMTeS SANQUI

19 [r\j]em iusti

20 et cor f[A]6RICAr\3S COQITATIONeS mAlAS

2 1 et pedes pesTiKJANTes Ab mAlepAcieNbum

2 2 accen[b]lT pAlSA TesTes [lN]n]UUS

Notes to 2 verso.

2-3. {inopia au)teni tamquam mains uir {long)e fugiet te ] et egestas

longe fug let a te Vg. /. a. sicut bonus cursor refugiet te. Ps.-Aug.

de div. scr. 86. 17 Si ii'&na wamo y.c<y.U dooatv? {(i^'rJQ A) c(nccvTOfj.o'Ai^aei

Sept. 4-5. [uir prau)us et iniquus ingreditur uias non bonas] homo

Itala Fragments in Verona. 13

apostafa, nir inutilis, graditur ore perucrso Vg. Sabatier knew of no
ancient version for 4—16. Ps.-Aug. de div. scr. 88 reads: uir shiltiis
et iniquus uadit u. n. b. The Sept. lias here : ui'r\q acpQMv xal naqd-
I'ouog noQBvezai oSovg oix aya&ag. 6—7. {tile i)pse autcni annuit ocidos
(for -lis ? -lo ?) ct {si)gn{ficat pede ] annuit ociilis, terit pede Vg. ipse
autem adnuit oculo et s. p. Ps.-Aug. de div. scr. 88. 6 cT' aiibg iwevsi
6g)»aXuM, ar^fiaivti ds nodi Sept. 8. {doce)t autem nutibus ocitlormn ]
digito loquitur Vg. didciaxei ds iwEvuctGLf daxrihDv Sept. I find no
Greek or other av;thority for oculorum ; the writing is badly rubbed
here, but a careful study of my photograph confirms me in the
reading ; I believe the scribe had digitorum before him, but was
misled by the oculos above. Curiousl}^ enough, day.rv/Mf stands in an
erasure in A. 9. {peru)erso (aute)ni corde fabricat mala\ prauo corde
machinatur malum Vg. 6i£GTQKUfj.i.vri (de add. N A) xa^dia Tixraivtrai
xaxd Sept. 10—11. (omni) autem tempore qui talis est concitait tu)r-
bationes ciuibus] et omni tempore iurgia seminal Vg. iV nciprl xaigo}
(connected by Swete with the preceding, tho A agrees with our
text and the Vg.) 6 toiovtoc: Tuoaj^dg avviGtr^oa' ni'Kti Sept. 12—16.
(propte)r hoc ueniet subito interitus eius, (con)cisio et contribulatio
insanabilis, {quod gaudet) in his quae odit domimis ; {conteritu)r autem
propter iwnunditia{m) a{n)imae ] huic extcmplo ueniet perditio sua, et
subito conteretur, nee habebit ultra medicinam. sex sunt quae odit
dominus, et septimum detestatur anima eius Vg. diu tovto i^nniy^g
EQ^ezca iq ancoAsia ccvtov, dicexonrj xal avfTQi/Sj] c'l'iccTog' on ;ffa'p£< nccaif oig
fxiatt 6 d-sog {xv(}iog N A), avPTqiiStTcti dt di ccxa&aQciuy ijjv^fjg Sept. 17—19.
[pculi) c{o)nt{um)iliosi, lingua iniqua, (manus) sunt effundentes san-
gui{n)em iusti] oculos sublimes, linguam mendacem, manus effun-
dentes innoxium sanguinem (last four words omitted by A) Vg.
o(p9«XiM)g v^oiffTov, yhoaacc ddixog, X^^Q^^ ixxtovacci educe dixaiov Sept. Here
Sabatier's testimonia from the Fathers are particularly interesting;
Jerome in Nahum 2, quotes the first four words of our text ; Lucifer
of Cagliari, de S. Athan. 1, 26, agrees with our passage, except
for oculus contumeliosus at the beginning ; it is clear from this
fragment, as Hartel had already seen, that Sabatier was wrong
in explaining the stmt as an interpolation by the Lucifer copyist;
Lucifer found it in the version he used — our own. Thielmann
suggests that Lucifer's use of this version shows that it had of-
ficial currency. 20—21. {et cor fdjbricans cogitatiotics malas, (et
pede)s festinantes ad tnalefaciendinn ] cor ntachinans cogitationes
pessimas, pedes ueloces ad currertdtim in malum Vg. Lucifer (1. c.)
quotes our text exactly. The Sept. has : xai xaqdia T£XTaifofj.ii'ri Xoyi-
Gfioig xnxovg, xai nideg inianfvdoyreg xaxonoistf. 22. (accend)lt falsa testes

14 Ch. U. Clark,

(for testis) {in)iquHS ] proferentem mcndacia testem fallacem Vg. No
ancient version known to Sabatier. accendit f. t. iuiustus Ps.-Aug.
de div. scr. 42. In the Sept. we have: Ixy.uiu iptviffj (.mQTvg ci&r/.os.

Fragment 3. Wisdom 10 : 10-11 : 2.

1 [et bsT]eNj[bi]T illi Re[cNua) bej]

2 ei bebiT illi scieNT[iAO^ s.ANCTorxu]n")

3 boisjeSTAUIT llluOl in bolOribus

4 et co?My)leuiT lACioiies illius

5 ex IN fRAubem ciRcuoiueNieN[Tiu(D] ill[um]

6 et boNesTuo:) ilium fecit

7 et custobiuit illu(i) All iNimicis

8 et A sebuctoRiBus [t]u[t]Auit [iIIuod]

9 et IN ceRtAmeN poRtem [pecit ut uiNCAt]

10 ut sciRet quoNiAm onoNium [poteNtiot;]

1 1 est pietAS

12 bAec uiNbituoi lustum non beReliqui[b]

13 Seb A peCCAtORILHIS llCieRAUIt \[[uci)

14 bisceNbit cum illo in poueAm

15 et IN uiNculis NON bei;eli(|uib lUuni

16 bONeC AbpeRRet llll pOteNtlAO:) regni

17 et poteNtiAo:) AbueRSus eos qui ilium

18 bepRimeoANt

19 et meNbAces osteNb[it qui mA]cu[l]aue

20 RUNt ilium

2 1 et [be]blt l[lll] claritatem aeternam

2 2 ha[ec] popo[lum lUStum] et semen sine

23 quefRelAJ liberRAUIt~| a nationibus

Notes to 3 recto.

In Wisdom, Jerome merely adopted the Itala, having access only
to the Greek ; our fragment has therefore only minor differences
from the A'^g. Thielmann notes that this is the oldest manuscript
yet known of any part of the Latin version of Wisdom. 3. do/o-
{ribus) ] laboribusVg., which has also laborcs in 4 ; our version follows
the Sept. in differentiating between fxoxO-oig (here) and novovg {xonovc,
N A) (4). 5. et ill fraudem ] /;/ fraude Vg. The Sept. has tV with
the dative. Doubtless by mistake our scribe has left out the adfuit
illi which we find in the Vg, {adfuit alone, A). 6. ilium fecit (as in A) ]

Itala Frag uic Jits in Vcroiia. 15

Vg. transposes. 7. et \ om, Vg. and Sept. ; but n has y.cd. 9. et in
certanien fortem {fecit lit iiincat) ] ct certamen forte dedit illi itt uinceret
Vg. The Sept. reads : xui aywva ia^v^of i^gu^evaiy c(VTio{civt6i' 261).
10. nt] ct Vg. iV« Sept. 11. pictas] sapientia Vg. evae^sia Sept.
12. /////- for uen-, the common confusion between c and i. Cf. «?i!5-
ccjidit in l-l. The -rt^ of dereliqnid (12 and 15) is hkewise a very
common error. 13. ilium ] ^///z; Vg. 14. Vg. adds <7«^ (no con-
junction in Sept.) Siiter descend it. 16. /)o^^w/?/a/w ] this must be a mis-
writing for sccptrnin (which we find in the Vg.) caused by the
potcntiam immediately following. 17. {ilium}] my conjecture (cf. 13
above) for the cum of Vg., as one expects more than three letters
here.

3 verso.

1 quae ilium [c]o[T\5]pRm')e6ANT

2 i[N]TRAUIT IN ANimAOD SeRUI ^^jI

3 et STeTi[T] co[k}]tra Reces boRReNbos irvj por

4 Ter\JTis et siqnjis

5 et re[b]blblT lUSTIJ meRCebem IabORUO) lllORUO)

6 et bebuXIT lUoS IN UIA 0")IRA6lll

7 et puiT lUis IN ueUmeNTo h\

8 et iN luce STellARum noctu

9 et [t]ranstuIit iUos oiARe boRReNbum

lO et [T]RANSUe\IT 60S peR AqUADl Nin:)iAm

T I inimicos AUTem illoRuo") bemeRsiT

12 et [a]5 AliiTubiNe iNpeRORum ebuxiT lUos

13 ideo lUSTI TUleRLlNT Sy)OllA INpiORUm

14 et [b]eCANTAUeRUNT b^ NOOieN TUUOD SANCTUfID

15 et [u]iNbiTRicem oiANum tuaco UubAue

16 RUNT pARITeR

17 quoNIAO") SApieNTIA ApCRUlI OS mUTUOl

18 et liNQUAS INpANTIUO') peCIT beSfRTAS

19 dire[x]lT OpeRAS llloRUO') IN mANIBUS

20 p[R]opeTAe' SANCTI

2 1 iter feceRUNT pCR beseRTUO) quob NON

2 2 h[A]BITABA[T]uR

23 et in locis s[ec]Re[TI plJxeRUNT CASAS

16 Ch. U. Clark,

Notes to 3 verso.

1. {con)pri)i}ebant (so A) ] depriiu- Vg. cf. Sabatier's note. o-h/SoyTcoy
Sept. 2. dommi (so A) ] del Vg. ;{DOioi! Sept. 5. illorum ] suoj-um
Vg. aJrw Sept. 7. «/(?/] a copyist's mistake for <//>/ or <f/>. 8. ;;oc/m
(node A) ] per nocteni Vg. t^j/ >'i';jr« Sept. 9. {et t)raustiilit illos mare
liorrendum ; et I supplied because of the space left free ] transtulit
illos per {per om. A) mare rubriim Vg. Sabatier adduces our text
(without the et) from two Paris MSS. The Sept. has : tfte^LtSaasy
ccvzovg &dkaaaay iQv&Qcii'. 10. eos] lllosYg. «i!roi;V Sept. 11. TheVg.
adds in mare after demersit ; but the Sept. has the verb alone. 14. dens ]
domine Vg. y.v^is Sept. tuum sanctum ] transpos. Vg. and Sept.
15. {n)inditricem ] a scribe's error for uindictricem, a very rare word
which Petschenig restored in Victor Vit. 1, 35; uictricem Vg.
!!7r£()^u«;fov Sept. 17. mntum] miitorumYg. xoKfwf Sept. 18. desertas]
common mistake for disertas Vg. 19. operas illorum ] opera eorum
Vg. o. illorum A. r« l^ya avrm' Sept. 21-22. desertitm quod non
h{a)bitaba(t)ttr ] deserta quae non habitabantur Vg. tqri^ov aoUr;iov^
Sept. 23. {in locis sec)r{eti) (for -tis) ] /'« /oc/s dcsertis Vg. Sabatier
quotes secretis from several MSS., and it is A's reading. The Sept.

has Iv cc/3('aoig.

Pending the publication of Thielmann's edition, it is not worth while
to discuss in detail the affinities of this version. It is clearly based
on a good recension of the Septuagint, which it translates in general
conscientiousl}'. Any consideration of its Latinit}' must also be
deferred for the present ; I would, however, call attention to the use
of uindictrix in 3 verso, 15. The student of Latin style and of Latin
semantics will find much of interest in a com])arison of the readings
of our text with those of the Vulgate.

Transcript
Verona (Cap.) II (2), f. 1 verso (Ezekiel 36: 22-28).

1 Epiffania ad uigilia

2 Lec^ ezehieles. pfr., hec dicet dns omps

3 Non propter uos ego facio domus ihl. sed propter nomen

4 meum scm. quod polluisth In nationih^ quas intrastes

5 Et scificdbo nomen mm magnum, quod pollutum est

6 Inter nationes. quod polluistis In medi^ ^'^ R- ^ sclent gentes

7 quod ego sum dns; dum scificor In uohis. ante

\NU

I ; I I ... '

Trans. Conn. Acad.. Vol. XY

Itala Fragments in Verona. 17

8 oculos eon. (Sc accipiam iios de gentibus. «5c congre

9 gabo uos. ex omnib'> terris ; k indue am uos In terra

10 uestram. h aspgam sup uos aqucun munda.

1 1 (5c mundati eretes. ab omnibi Iniquitatibi uestris.

12 (5c ab omnibi simulagris uestris; h rnundabo uos. k da

13 bo uobis. cor nouuni. k spni nouum dabo in uos; k au

14 feram cor lapedeum de came uestra. k dabo uobis

1 5 cor carneum. k spm meum dabo in uos ;

lb Et faciam ut In meis iustitiis amboletes. k luditia mea
costodi

17 ates k facia tes. k habite{J)tes In terra quam dedi.

1 8 patribus uestris ; k eretes mihi In popolum et ego

19 ero uobis In dm dixit dns.

The famous uncial MS. of the Libri Rcgiun ex ucrsione Hierony-
miana (Ver. [Cap.] II [2]) contains the al:)OYe lectio from Ezekiel on
the verso of the first folio. This leaf measures 28.^x23 cm., and
has been bound into the tirst quaternion of the MS. The extract
is written in a flowing North Italian cursive of the seventh or eighth
century ; but it is almost illegible in places, as the leaf has been
much rubbed. Maffei annotated it, setting the Vg. readings in the
margin ; but I cannot find that he published it ; and as Sabatier
knew no pre-Jerome version for this passage except that quoted
by Tichonius, who used an Itala very like ours (cf. Eugipp. Exc.
274, C.S.E.L. 9, pp. 869—70), it seems worth while to transcribe it
here, with a brief commentary upon its variations from the Vg.
The passage contains Ezek. 36, 22—28.

Notes.

The Latin is characteristically " Merovingian,'" with its confusions
of e and i, o and u, c and g. The abbreviations are interesting;
//// (3) is one of the earliest occurrences of this form for israel (cf.
Traube, Nomina Sacra, 109) ; the same is true of dns (2) for do-
niinus \ while pfr (2) for profetae is unique so far as I know, and
to be compared with nrt for noster (which, with allied forms, Traube
discusses in N.S. 230-31).

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XV. 2 Jdly, 1909.

18 Ch. U. Clark, Itala Fragments in Verona.

2. oninipotens ] dens Vg. om. Sept. 3. facio ] faciani Vg. tioim Sept.
4. meiim sanctum ] transpos. Vg. uoi; to uyiov Sept. nationibus quas ]
gentibns ad quas Vg. Ed-veaiv oi Sept. 6. nationcs ] geides Vg.
Ed-inaw Sept. ^/ 5c/r///] /// sciant Vg. ;;f« j/^/fJffoi'rfa vSept. 7. ^wo</
«?^o 5/«w] ^M/rt f^o Vg. or< tyw £iut Sept. Vg. adds ait dominus
exercituiim after dominus ; this is not in the Septuagint. dum
sanctificor ] cum sanctificatus fucro Vg. tV no uyiaaiii^vcd /ue Sept.
7—8. ante oculos corum ] coram cis Vg, x«r' oi^ihaXfxohg aviwy Sept.
^/ accipiam ] tollam quippe Vg. ;<fa >.t]ipofj,ca Sept. 9. ^.r omnibus ]
de uniuersis Vg. 6;c 7r«(7wr Sept. inducam ] adducani Vg. dad^io
Sept. 10. aspergam ] effundam Vg. rj«j/w Sept. munda is of
course a mistake for mundam. 11. nnmdati ei'etes {ior critis)] nntn-
dabimini Vg. -/.ub^aqLaO^iiGEob^E Sept. iniquitatibus\ inquinamentis Vg.
((y.c<S-c(QaiMi' Sept. 12. omnibus sinuilagris (for -acris) ] uniuersis idolis
Vg. naviwv TMi' iMm'/mu Sept. f / ] om. Vg. ;f«t Sept. 13 and 15. r/o^o
m wos ] ponam in medio iiestri Vg. (Fwcm eV l^u^V Sept. 16. /// ;;/c/5
iustitiis\ in praeceptis meis Vg. tV ro^f dcxauotuaalf /j.oo Sept. M. fa-
dates (for-//5)] opereminiYg. noir]GrjTe Sept. habitetis] /mbitabitisYg.
xcaourjasTi {-Grjts " 62. CompL") Sept. 19. r//.v// dominus ] om. Vg.
and Sept.

Yale University. Charles Upson Clark.

GODS AND SAINTS
OF THE GREAT BRAHMANA

E. WASHBURN HOPKINS

Prefatory Note.

This paper offers an analysis of the (non-rituahstic) content of
the " Great Brahmana " or Brahmana of Twenty-five Books. Weber
has said very truly that this content is in general " very uninspir-
ing " ; but that is only because the work lacks the piquant situations
and later spirituality of its great rivals. To the student of religious
history it is rather important, since it represents a period earlier
than that of the more famous Satapatha and Aitareya Brahmanas.
Its gist also, the idea that the yell, cry, chaunt, is even more vital
than the words (if words there be) expressed by the yell, is primitive
and instructive. As the Brahmana has never been translated, it has
been practically inaccessible to the general student of religion, for
whose benefit this analysis has especially been made, though the
needs of the Sanskrit scholar have been met, as far as space per-
mitted, by the admission of illustrati\'e parallels, many of which
have not hitherto been noticed.

II.— Gods and Saints of the Great Brahmana.
Philosophy.

The creator-god, Prajapati, is philosophically identified with time
represented by the year, whence he is called twelve-fold, twenty-four-
fold, and (months plus five seasons) seventeen-fold (the cyclic five-
year group is recognized, 17. 13. 17). i The year itself is "twent}--
fifth," as an entity besides the four and twenty half-months, 16. 7.
5 (cf. the " twenty-fifth," as pure spirit, of later philosoph}-). In a
ritual scheme it is natural to find that the creator created with the
help of Vedic verses (charmsj, rites, and chaunts, Samans ; but cre-
ation itself is an " emission," which, though interpreted otherwise
was thought of in terms of procreation, except rarel}^, as when it is
said that the creator " was the splitter-up of worlds," etesam lokanam
udabhiiiat, 16. 16. 2,- and even then differentiation rather than cre-
ation of matter seems to be meant. He creates in the form of a
horse, 11. 3. 5; is talked about as creator (of evil as well as good)
and as having had unlawful relations with his daughter, 4. 9. 14 ;
8, 2. 10; 3 but he also pairs with time-divisions, 5. 9. 2 (cL TS. 7. 4.
8. 1). After creation he is exhausted, dry, " milked out," and has
to be revived by food, vrata, and he does not create all at once.*
He also pairs with the chaunt, 8. 6. 3, etc., but too, he needs only
to vomit forth his chief creation, sacrifice, fire, priest, and spring.

' The seasons are five or six. Eef. 2. 10. 5 ; 4. 5. 6 ; 6. 2. 2 ; 9. 8. 15 ;
10. 12. 8 ; 12. 4. 8 ; 13. 2. 6 ; 16. 4. 12-13 ; 17. 9. 4 ; 18. 2. 4 ; 7. 5 ; 9. 5,
7, 21 ; 22. 1. 3 ; 24. 16. 3, etc. half-months, 4. 10. 5 ; 6. 3. 3 f. ; 14. 1. 11,
etc. The year has 360 nights, 9. 3. 5. f. P. creates day and night, 4. 1.
4 ; and gods, 6. 9. 15.

^ For the genitive, cf . devdndm iidagdyat^ ' Avas cliannter of gods ' (below).

' Although adJiyCiit here must be so interpreted, it is not necessarily
used in a bad sense. Cf. 17. 1. 13, pittro mdtaram adhyeti " remembers,
longs for.'* Cf. SB. 4. 6. 9. 20 ; AB. 3. 33. 1.

* 4. 10. 1 ; 6. 1. 1 and 6 ; dugdho riricdno ' manyata^ 9. 6. 7 ; atdmyat^
10. 2. 1 ; so 15. 8. 2 ; 16. 5. 23 ; etc. PB. 6. 1. 4 (read ddatta . . . ;?r«-
/;/c7;y)is cited TS. 7. 1. 1. 2. P. creates by rites, 22. 5. 4; 23. 9. 2
21. 2 ; 27. 1 ; and thus gains bhss, success, etc. 23. 11. 2 ; 23. 25. 2-3
24. 4. 2 ; 9. 2-3 ; food and cattle, 24. 7. 2 ; even Savitar's power, 25, 6. 2
17. 2 : he rains. 13. 5. 12 f.

24 E. W. Hopkins,

which suffices to prove that each of these is the mouth or chief
of its kind, and also explains why a priest has more power in his
mouth than in his arms (ib. 6; TS. 7. 1. 1. 4—5 etc.). Other pas-
sages emphasise the burning effort and woe of the creator, till his
efforts were rewarded by increase and " in time he overlived his
woe."i He grows "old and feeble-minded" at last, but recovers
his strength by means of a sacrifice lasting a thousand 3'ears, 25.
17. 3—4 (cf. SB. 10. 4. 4. 1). His creation " would not stand for
him " or " would not stand for his superiority," and he had to win
it back by caresses or food, or, it is said, he weakened them by
removing their power and they come back to him of necessity.
They feared him as death, for even the gods feared death.'-

Despite the mesh of ritual, this Creator (= God) is a lofty figure.
He sits above the worlds, 11. 10. 12, and sees "in himself the seed
of creation," 10. 3. 1—3 ; a person towering above the other gods,
identical with sun and heaven, and hence devoid of sorrow since
"there is no sorrow in heaven" (16. 5. 17; 18. 2. 14; 21. 8. 3
and 10. 1. 18 = SB. 8. 4. 1. 24, cf. TS. 5. 3. 7. 1). He is "the un-
explained," or known only as "universal peace" (7. 8. 3; 18. 6. 8;
9. 8. 13, sarvasya santih, cf. SB. 13. 3. 7. 6), so ' that he is the
essence of music and all the (ten) vital airs, an " inflated bag " of

^ 6. 5. 1, from liis head as burning woe came the sun ; cf. ib. 18 and
7. 5. 1. In 18. 2. 4, the year is identified with sun and heaven. Pecu-
liarly Prajapati's are the horse and the strong (16. 6. 4) tidiimbara (wood),
the " gods 'strength ", 6. 4. 1 ; 18. 2. 11 ; with the chaunter (6. 5. 18), who
is the sacrificer's god, 7. 10. 16, answering to Prajapati. On the horse,
PB. 21. 4. 5, and 11 = SB. 18. 3. 4. 5 ; TS. 5. 4. 11. 12.

2 7. 5. 2 ; 10. 18 ; 8. 8. 14-17 ; 14. 5. 18 ; 15. 5. 35 ; 20. 3. 1 ; 21. 2. 1 :
22. 12. 1 (cf. TS. 2. 3. 2. 1 ; the gods feared death and Prajapati gave
them immortality). In SB. 2. 2. 4. 1, Prajapati himself fears death, from
fire. The " baldness "' of the original creation here ib. 4, is paralleled in
several passages of PB. The first creation was " hairless " (without
plants and cattle) and rough, 20. 14. 5 (cf. 13. 11. 11, pasavo I'Cii loind)^
etc. P. at first was " rough " ; 24. 13. 2-5 (cf. 5. 8. 1). It is character-
istic that the power to bestow the boon of immortality is attained not
only by one rite but by three, for which, one after the other, tlie same
claim is made, 22. 12. 1 (nine-night rite) ; 23. 12. 2—3 (eighteen nights) ;
24. 19. 2 (one hundred). So he " created men " by quite different rites,
6. 9. 15 ; 22. 9. 2 ; 23. 14. 2. Each account of immortality (above) adds
thiit man's immortality consists " in growing better to the end of a long
life." To " get to the thii-teenth (intercalated ?) mouth " is to " live many
years," 23. 2. 3 (so Comm).

Gods and Saints of the Great BraJunana. 25

life (5. 10. 2-3; 6. 8. 5 and 7j.i "The worlds are three, but God
is one," 16. 16. 4. In less magificent phrase he is described as
being " as broad as he is high,'' 18. 6. 2 (so the worlds are as many
sideways as they are upwards, 18. 6. 3).

The modification of the creation-idea to one of the self-sacrifice
of the Creator, who " sacrificed himself to the gods," 7. 2. 1—2, is
a priestly version of the myth of a dismembered god, the savage
pantheism of an earlier age (the gods race for shares in the great
offering), which is otherwise expressed at this date in the thought
that the Creator is sacrifice (personified with two breasts, etc., 13.
11. 18). But a higher plane is reached in the conception that the
creation is a mental act, and that the firstborn son of the Creator
is the Word Divine.

This conception appears in several passages, interwoven with
ritualistic ideas, '-^ more or less crude, but at bottom expressing the
great Logos doctrine or philosophy. The bathos of the ritualist
cannot wholly conceal this. The Creator desired to be many, to
be multiplied. Silent, with the mind he thought, and of that which
was in his mind arose the great Saman (the Brhat Saman). He
thought, " Verily I have here conceived ; now with the Word let
me bring forth." He brought forth the Word (as another .Saman),
and after it the great one (the Brhat Saman) which was "as his
eldest son " (because first conceived) 7. 6. 1 f. These Saman forms
are tunes or chaunts of great efficacy, which are said to have been
born from the Creator in this order in other passages (e. g. TS. 7.
1. 1. 4). At 10. 2. 1, there is another account: "The Creator cre-
ated his creatures and grew weary. The Word took from him his
light. He said, ' Who has taken my light ? ' ' Thy own Word,'
said (the Word). Then he said to the Word, " they shall worship
thee as the Light" — and here the priest adds " of metres " ; for the
metres are holy, divine, and the great Viriij metre, called the Light,
is mystically identified with God himself. Again, the Creator is

^ He is viriipa ?iS the year; but this is not "formless," but variegated,
14. 9. 8 ; 10. 6. 7 ; 12. 4. 18, like " food," which the gods call prsnt 12.

10. 24 {deva arka iti vadanti, 15. 3. 23 ; 5. 1-9), fivefold, 5. 2. 7 ; 12. 1. 9 ;
14. 7. 7, etc.

- Especially prominent in the form that the word is food, 5. 8. 1, or,

11. 10. 19, etc., a rite, and especially a chaunt or metre, as Word and
Voice are expressed by the same vdciyo-K). Of all the metres, the funda-
mental Anustubh is particularly identified with Far, 8. 7. 3 ; 16. 11. 17 ;
18. 8. 16. " The Anustubh is Vac and Visnu is the sacrifice ", 9. 6. 10.

26 E. W. Hopkins,

represented as creeping through primeval darkness to find the Hght
of the sacrifice. " The Creator verily was alone here. There was
not day nor night. He in that blind darkness crept forward. He
willed, and so attained to the sacrifice (called Light). Then far
and wide it shone for him ; for ^s a wide shining is that sacrifice
conceived, and it is called " the Light " because it appeared as a
light," 16. 1. 1 (here the ' jyotis'' ckaha).

But it is the Word which is peculiarly dear to the priest-philos-
ophers, who personif}' it as the special means of sacrifice as well
as, in the lower sense of speech, the sign of man, 13. 12. 3, and
regard it as begotten of the Creator, 7. 6. 3, and as identical with
the Father-god as well as with lesser gods, such as Wind (breath,
voice, the word, 18. 8. 7) or ocean, illimitable, 7. 7. 9, the base of
sacrifice, 11. 5. 28, and the fire-god (of sacrifice), each being one
with the year, or time, as Creator, 10. 12. 7. It is invoked as divine
speech and tales are told of it, how the Word left the gods, and
they hunted and fovmd it in waters, who gave it back on condition
that they should not be made impure by impurities. But still the
divine Word fled and took refuge in trees. The}' would not give
it up, and the gods cursed them, sa3-ing, " Ma}- ye be rent with
your own arm '" (the wooden axe-handle i. But the trees divided
the Word fourfold, so that now it speaks from the (wooden) drum
(cf. 5. 5. 18, "the voice of the trees in the drum''), lute, axle, and
bow. The voice of trees is most ]ileasing, for it was the voice
belonging to the gods (tree-oracles?), 6. 5. 10 f. ; cf. TS. 6. 1. 4. 1.
Another account says the Word on leaving the gods became por-
tionless, but they gave it a portion in the invocation of the priest,
who must invoke it as Voice {bektirdndma 'si), saying, " Voice
art thou called, pleasant to the gods ; reverence be to the Word,
reverence to the lord of speech ; O divine (speech) Word, put thy
sweetness into me," etc. 6. 7. 5 and 6 (for the "summit of the Word
is bliss," 6. 9. 12).i

^ Compare 16. 5. 16, 7-0^ vui Sarasvati ; "wlio is "loved, dear, I10I3''",
etc. 20. 15. 15. Ill the last sentence, " summit ", agra, the "fore-front " ;
cf. 12. 11. 6, agraih vaco gacchan. The parallel use of ania^ in ontam
sr/ya gacchati\ 22. 18. 8, shows that both f/jo-zv? acies) and ««/</(end) were
already used in the sense of non plus ultra, the highest, best, chief.
This is also the meaning of anta when it is said that the Anustubh is
the anta of metres, the Brhat the anta of Samans, the prince the anta
of humans, the horse the anta of cattle, Visiiu (cf. SB. 5. 2. 3. 6 and
vimuimikha devuli, TS. 1. 7. 5. 4 ; 5. 2. 1. 1), the anta of Devatus (19. 12.
8; yo rdjanyunroh hlyatc na sa pnnar agram ■.=-- antain paryeti\ 21. 4. 6).

Gods and Saints of flic Great Brnlunaua. 27

•The most striking of these passages is one that represents the
Word as the mediating principle in creation, 20. 14. 2 f. : The
Creator verih' was alone here. He had as his own, as a second
(self), only the Word. He thought to himself, " I will send forth
this Word (create with form), and the Word will go and pervade
(become as) the world." ^ He sent forth (created in visible form) the
Word and it went pervading (as) the world, and extended on high
as (in a cloud) a stream of water goes up on all sides. He took
(cut) off a third (saying a) and it became the earth ; another third
(saying ka), and it became the interspace (atmosphere) ; another
(saying ho) be cast aloft and it became the shining sky. The Word,
of one syllable, the Creator thus divided threefold, for the Word
is threefold {tryavrt, 10. 4. 9, in three divisions, three in one) and
it became the three worlds (represented by three S3'llables).2

As the scholiast saj^s, it betokens paramatva^ supreniacj^ (e. g. the horse
is the highest as he was born of Prajapati's eye, and it is said " only
cows and horses are cattle,"' TS. 5. 2. 9. 4). So the proper meaning of
Vedanta is not the goal, or conclusion, but the chief (essence) of the Veda.

^ The scholiast takes this in the later jDhilosophical sense : '• go and
return to me.'' but though '• coming and going in the form of Vac,"
5. 8. 3, it is not here meant [ci^yati^ S. mdm esyati). What is meant is
that the divine Word pervading all the universe becomes the visible
formed earth, air, and sky.

* Each part has its god, gandhai-ra^ fire, "uind, and sun being the
deities of earth, air, and sky. A passage like this, Kath. 12. 5, makes
the (female) Word the consort of the Creator, to bear Creation. In the
popular religion the divine Word becomes degraded to a mere Sabali, or
granter of wishes, as a "wonder-co^v : " Sabali (the wonder-cow, 21. 1. 5)
is the same as the Word '". The worshiper performs a rite, freshty
clothed, drinking hot milk, lying on the ground, and after twelve nights,
toward morning, upavyusam^ makes an offering, before speaking and
when he cannot hear the village animals G-oing apart into the forest
he calls three times as he takes holy-grass in hand, '• Sabali," and he
■will get his Avish if he hears any animal reply (except a dog or an ass).
The invocation is : " O Sabali, Sabali ; thou art the all-embracing ocean,
hrahma of gods, first-born of the holy order, food, seed, glory, immort-
alitj^, art thou ; of thee is earth a part, the atinosp)here a part, sky a
part, sea a part Such thou art, as such we know thee. Then as such
do thou, o wish-cow, milk out for us food, strength, a stream of w-ealth,
a stream of chikh'en. Maj" I follow ^fulfil) the vow. Hail ! " Comj)are
TS. 4. 3. 11. 5. On the w^ord of one sjdlable, cf. also PB. 4. 3. 3 ; 21.
5. 4. Tlu'ee syllables(above) are used in the creation, akaho^ mystically
identified as Saman calls with the three w'orlds, and with the aksara " inde-
structible " principle.

28 E. W. Hopkins,

The philosophical ideas of the Upanisads are here in embryo;
but not so clearl}^ developed as in some of the other works of this
character. It is rather to the early date of the Great Brahmana
than to delicacy that the intrusion of the Word into other tales as
a sort of secondary divinity is lacking. The SB., for example, makes
vise of Vac in this way in the account of Visvavasu (below), but
there is none of it in PB. Of purely philosophical utterances there
are not many (few are to be expected), but of this character are
the mystic " Mount up from fulness to fulness," 15, 12. 3 ; cf. 23.
19. 9 [agrad agram); "Thought precedes word (speech)," 11. 1. 3
(Ch. Up. 6. 8. 6, etc.) and 6. 4. 7, which says the same thing a
little more obscurely ('"Mind is the eye of the sea of speech,") for,
as said in 11. 1. 3 (and in the dispute between the two in TS. 2.
5. 11. 4—5), "One says with speech only what one first arrives at
with mind." Here too is the origin of the later (Ch. 5. 1. 1, etc.)
use of "oldest and best"; cf. 21. 2. 4, "he who has this knowledge
comes to the oldest and the best." Compare also iia mam vag
ativadet, etc., 5. 3. 7; 12. 13. 15 (the "ten breaths," with ndbhi, 19.
11. 3, are common in earlier literature). To the mysticism of sacri-
fice belong the treble triad, as in 7. 7. 8 (present, past, future;
self, son, and cattle ; earth, air, and sky) ; that other shibboleth of the
day : " What is hidden from men is clear to the gods," 22. 10. 3
(AB. 3. 3), etc.; and the frequent numerical analysis, "cattle
have sixteen parts," 19. 5. 6; 6. 2 (Pras. Up. 6. 2; Ch. Up. 6. 7. 3, 6).

The Creator is identified with Him-that-stands-in-the-highest, in
19. 13. 3 f , repeated verbatim 22. 18. 4 f., in that each is •' absolute
power," but only this once. The Creator as " death " has a parallel
in the " deadly dawns " of 20. 1.4. As for man, his age is a hundred
years, 5. 6. 13. ; 25. 8. 3. Care must be taken to escape disease in
heaven, by sacrificing with the Sarvasvara (S. " contains all Samas,"
trivrdagnisfornd) ; then one has anamayata (health) in heaven. Men
become gods, as gods became gods l^y sacrifice, 23. 6. 2-3 ; repe-
tition " even to weariness " brings the great reward of sacrifice (2.
2. 2; 5. 4. 9; 12. 11. 17; 16. 3. 6).i

^ A few bits of physiological philosophy for comparison ■with other
works. madhyato vCi dtmano (never soul) hrdayam, 6. 4. 6 ; daksino rd
arddha dtmano (= dehasyd) vlryavattarali^ 5. 1. 13 ; daHina ilrdv Jcdgdtur
agnhh manthanti\ dak^inato hi retail s/'cyate, 8. 7. 10 ; 12. 10. 12 ; mithundt
prajdyate^ 16. 14. (3 (20. 11. 10; 13. 2; 15. 5, etc.); anutunndd dhi reto
dhiyatc^ 12. 10. 11 ; dvc striyd Une prajanmidya {dndalmge)^ 19. 3. 9; nndtirik-
tam vd ami prajah prajdyante^ 20. 12. 2 ; embryo, 20. 4. 3 and 7 ; tasindt

Gods and Saints of tliv Great Bralunana. 29

Before the moral teaching of the Brahmana is discussed, a word
may be said of another (priestl}') divine form. The " chaplain of
the gods," Brhaspati, who has special offerings, anubandhya, for
example, 17. 13. 2, takes the place of Indra in releasing demon-
bomid cattle, but otherwise is unimportant, except that he cures
lameness and skin-disease, 21. 14. 16 (of cattle). As chaunter of
the gods, when pursued by ogres he flees to the lords of the world.
Fire, Wind, and Sun, asking them to guard him from the dangers
of earth, air, and sk}'. Usually Purohita (" chaplain,") 17. 11,4; 19.
17. 8; 25. 1. 7, he is here chaunter, devanam ttdagayat (cf. TS. 3.
3. 2. 1) of the gods, 6. 7. 1. In 25. 1. 11, by means of the udbhid
and valabliid (ceremonies) he lets out cattle for the gods. This is
more fully described at 19. 7. 1 {vala must here be "prison")^:
" There was verily a prison of the demons, concealed in darkness
and covered with a stone. In it was a wealth of cattle. The gods
could not pierce it. The}^ said to Brhaspati, "Let out these (cattle)
for us."" He, with the iidbJiid (splitter) caused the prison to open
up ; with the valabliid he split it ; with the utsedha (chaunt; he let
out the cattle ; with the niscdha (chaunt) he herded them (cf. 15. 9.
11, utscdhcna vai dcvdl) pas ft n iidasedhan, niscdJicna paryagrhnan).
Brahmanaspati is Brahma here (as elsewhere), 16. 5. 8 and 18 ;
AB. 2. 38. 9; Cf. SB. 4. 5. 1. 11; 9. 2. 3. 3 ; 12. 8. 3. 29.

Morality.

Despite the fact that the Saman and the rite make the gist of
the Brahmana's religion, it remains true that there is a real ethical
foundation for this religion. Nothing very lofty is to be expected.
Witchcraft, magic, gratification of passion, rites to insure one's
superiority over friends (mildly expressed as " become the light of
his people," 21. 12. 6) as well as foes, to make one "get ahead of
his own people," to enable one to kill a rival, to get " revenge "

pardnco garihdh sambhavanti, pratyancah prajdyante, tasindd ii ie ' 7'da/ia-
vilebhyo nd ' vapadyanta^ eteiia {samtid) hy ctci dhftdli, 15. 5. 16 ; cf. 22. 9. 4.
This does not quite agree with 6. 8. 9, pardncah (men) praj'dyante ; but
cf. 7. 2. 6, pardncah prdj'yaiite pratyancah prajdya7ite (cattle). Compare TS.
2. 5. 7. 3, prdc'uiam reto dhJyate . . prdtlclh prajdh jdyante (also 5. 2. 10. 2) ;
On the breeding of cattle, cf 24. 11. 2 (5, ass and mare, cf. 6. 1. 4). On
at man, cf. trivrt sirah . . pdnkta itara dtmd (head lias hair. skin, bone ;
body, also flesh and marrow), 5. 1. 3-4; TB. 1. 5. 9. 7 ; on man as
■vdirdja with ten '■ breaths," see 2. 7. 8 ; 14. 2.

^ So too Hillebrandt, Vcd. Myth. 3. 264. with parallels. S. understands
Vala as demon!

30 E. IV. Hopkins,

(19. 8. 1 and 9. if; 10. 11, etc.), to "cast off sin as Arbuda the
snake casts his skin" (4. 9. 5; 9. 8. 8), are to be found. ^ But untruth
is reproved ; the " hant " pursues the slayer, and if one " takes (too)
much," he is a " swallower of poison," as is one who eats what he
ought not. Gausukti and Asvasukti are especially mentioned as
having " taken much " and they " regarded themselves as poison-
swallowers," so that they had to discover the Gausukta and Asva-
SLikta Samans as expiation, 19. 4. 10 ; cf ib. 2, the Punahstoma rite,
for him who should " regard himself as a poison-swallower," yo
manyeta garagtr iva. JUB. 4. 16. 1, mentions this Gausukti as the
third diadochos after Indra and as the tenth from the author or
his time, the later seers in this list being unknown to the Brah-
mana, which would imply an interval of three centuries between
the compositions, a not unreasonable assumption and one which is
indicated by the fact that the morality of the Upanisad is higher
than that of the Brahmana. The Brahmaiia in many ways reflects
the earlier period of thought, religiously and ethically. 2

' Snakes are Adityas and the earth is " queen of snakes," so that the
T\^orsliip of snakes, though practised, is more or less mj'stic. Compare
the hst in 25. 15. 1-4; 4. 9. 6 = SB. 4. 6. 9. 17; 9. 8. 7; and AB. 6.
1 ; SB. 2 5. 2. 47 ; 1.3. 4. 3. 9 (snakes as the people of Arbuda Kadi-aveya).

- The sociological conditions are also early. The " eight men who con-
trol the state," 19. 1. 4, are a shorter list than the corresponding lists at
TS. 1. 8. 9 and SB. 5. 3. 1. The eight are the king's son and 'brother
and chaplain and queen ; the master of horse (also serving as a chronicler) ;
the headman of the village ; the chamberlain ; and the '' controller." The
last is explained as either treasurer or charioteer (by different scholiastsj,
but since " the chaplain in old days was charioteer " (we are expressly
told so in the old storj^ of Vrsa Jana, where a chaplain-charioteer speeded
and ran over a boy, 13. 3. 12 ; JB. 3. 94), the treasurer is prolably meant
by '• controller." The Upanisad moreover, has an arithmetical series which
is somewhat later than that of the Brahmana. As the latter indicates
rewards expected \>j the priest, it may be given here : (a decimal
series, to begin at) thousand, ten thousands ; one hundred thousands,
prayiita ; million, ttiyida ; ten millions, arbuda ; one hundred millions, nyar-
bitda ; thousand millions, vikharvaka (sic) ; ten thousand millions, badva ;
one hundred thousand millions, akiiita ; and ten hundred thousand millions
go {gaus) [?|. In JUB. 1. 10, 28, 29, the regular nikharva takes the
place of nikharvaka ; padiiia stands for badva ; and the last two numbers
are given as aksitir vyomaniah (where perhaps should be read goman or
anta, as in TS. 7. 2. 20. 1 ; VS 17. 2 ?) Here badva is the form of AB. 8.
22, and padmn is a later equivalent. Compare Ind. Streifm, 1. 96, where
other lists of Bnlhmana numerals are given.

Go</s and Saints of the Great Bralniiaua. 31

Thus •' sins caused b}' the gods " is an early ^'edic interpretation
found in the Brahmana, where it is said that the rite removes " sins
made by the gods, by the Fathers, by (other) men, and by ourselves,"
that is the later " sin," cnas, is here merely an " ill,"' papain, caused
by men or gods las demons), to punish neglect, aparddha, on the
part of the worshiper, as quite correctly explained by the commen-
tator, not "sins against gods," 1. 6. 10. Cf. VS. 8. 13; SB. 4. 4.
5. 22.

Of what sort were the "gods that were before the gods," is not
known, only their blessed names, .Siidhyas. 25. 8. 2, and the fact
that they dike the demons!) had fewer ceremonies, being content
to leave out the evening libation, 8. 3. 6 and 4. 9 (in 8. 4. 1, they
go to heaven with all the sacrifice), but they had to perform sacri-
fices, as did the later gods and men.^ And by sacrifice, in pro-
portion to the gifts made to the priests, whereof the arithmetical
series given in the text is an exploitation (see note above), man's
morality is improved, "he becomes better," and his hope of heaven
is made more certain. Yet even here, though one may give gold
(" immortalit}"," 9. 9. 3 f.), and cows enough, 17. 14. 2, etc., it is in-
timated that a man must not give too much nor accept too much,
which is far and away a nobler standard than that of the later
priests,'- who never say, "111 does he who gives all" (to the priest),
16. 5. 6 ; 6. 1 : 9. 2.

One of the indications of the date of this Brahmana was long
ago noticed b}- Weber, who called attention to the free intercourse

^ Cf. TS. 6. 2. o. 3-4, trivrato Maiiiir fishi^ dvi-7'raid asiird^ ekavratd
dcvCill^ etc.

- Tlie heaven man goes to is far away, but not too far. The Fathers
only live in the third world, heaven, 9. 8. b ; they are " soma-drops " (re-
ferring to a Vedic verse), 6. 9. 19. When the rite is good it glorifies a
man's son, when ver3^ good his son's son. 1.5. 10. 6 ; 12. 2. The distance
to heaven is probably calculated from the middle of the earth, that is a
span's distance north of the source of the Sarasvati river, to the middle
of the sky. which is the Seven Seers (Great Bear), JUB. 4. 26. 12, and
this distance corresponds exactly to the distance from the same source
of the Sarasvati to where it loses itself in the desert, which is a journey
on horse-back of fortj^-four days, 25. 10. 16 ; or, according to another
estimate, from earth to heaven is as much as one thousand co"ws standing
on top of each other (therefore a thousand cows make a good fee for the
priests), 16. 8. 6 ; but a third estimate says that the distance is equal to
a thousand days' journey by horse, or the sun's journey of a thousand
da3-s, or it is just a thousand leagues, 21. 1. 9 (AB. 2. 17. 8).

32 E. TV. Hopkins,

with the original settlers, 16. 6. 7, and to the host of still unbrah-
manized " outlaws," vagrants, who wander about in a sort of gypsy
wagon covered with boards. They have their own cult, are satis-
fied with their own jargon, scorn the priests and injure those who
should be inviolate. Though they have a sacrificer, Dyutana Maruta,
they are really " poison-eaters," thieves, takers of priests' food. The}'
wear blackish clothes with red borders and corded edges, goat-skins,
silver ornaments, turbans (but so, 16. 6. 13, do the Brahmanized
people, as also sandals) and carry jydhroiJa (said to be "bows
without arrows"), 17. 1. If.; IS. 1. 33. Finally, it may be noticed
that nothing indicates a city life in the Brahmana ; the grama is a
village " crowd " {grama is a host, as when men are said to be the
grama of gods; even of cattle, as when one desires a grama, not
a village but a flock of cattle), 6. 9. 2; 17. 10. 2, etc. The pur is
only a fort, such as the border tribes have now, to retreat to in
case of invasion. There is only a petty raj and his kingdom or
chiefdom of villages. Although the absence of allusions to cit}' life
cannot be pressed too far in a work of this kind, yet the five and
twenty books of the Great Brahmana have references enough to
manners and customs to make it improbable that had city life been
known it would not have been referred to. It is no more a cit}'
life than that is that of the Rig Veda, where a real city is vmknown,
and the village (called " crowd " or otherwise) is really the onh'
massed population. Life, however, was sufficiently complex for
doubt to arise in regard to the formal purity of initiates, and in
this Brahmana special provision is made for those who are open
to suspicion " in regard to couch, water (consecration), or marriage,"
23. 4. 2.1

Of didactic morality there is little (it is not in place here), but
we do find a few interesting statements. Thus in 18. 1. 24, as in

* yails talpe vo 'dake vd vivdhe vd mimdnserans ta ctd {rdtrJr) upeyuli. Com-
pare TS. 6. 2. 6. 4, yam pdtre vd talpe vd minidnseran {jydvrffe devayajaiie yCija-
yet). Above a fourteen-night observance is enjoined. The caste-question lias
been so fully discussed that it will be necessarj'^ only to refer to the vital
facts that the slave " has no god and no sacrifice," 6. 1. 11, and the
agriculturist is born " to be devoiu-ed by priest and king," 6. 1. 10 (IS.
10. 8). One rite is for a king " to keep the people from getting awaj'
from him," 6. 10. 11. The priests are opposed to bm'dens (taxes), and, if
taxes are imposed, have no fear in cursing the king, -which is their weapon
against liim, bharatdm pratidandd hrdhmanaii^ 18. 10. 8. To make the
kingly and agricultural castes " subservient to the priest " is the priest's
object, 11. 11. 8 = 15. (3. 3; cf. 2. 16. 4.

Gods and Saints of the Great BraJiniaria. 33

SB. 4. 4. 5. 23. it is expressly said that " there is no sin in a new-
born child," nCii' no bhavati, which may exclude the Karma
doctrine i ascent to heaven "with a bod}" is admitted, 21. 4. 3).
When it is said that the grief of heaven enters a sinner, rather an
elaborate explanation is necessar}-. It appears that originally " The
three worlds were united. ^ The}' grieved (to part? see note); but
Indra. by means of the Traisoka Saman, removed their grief, and
therefore is it called Traisoka, because he removed the grief, soka,
of these three (worlds). The grief which the god removed from
this earth entered into the harlot ; the grief which he removed from
the (neuter) atmosphere entered into the eunuch ; - and the grief
which he removed from yonder heaven entered into the man pos-
sessing sin ('evil). Hence their desire is unattainable, and should
one of them get his desire he gets a share of grief as well," 8. 1.
9-11.

To turn to one of the few moral points discussed in the Great
Brahmana, the question of " tainted money," as it is called now,
received a very modern solution. As already explained, if a man
has " taken much '' he is recognized as sinful, but the venial sin
may be remo\ed at the expense of a one-day rite ; for e\en the most

^ This clumsy theological explanation of the " ti-eble sorrow " is based
on the more natural folk-lore of the undivided heaven and earth, as it
appears in Polynesia, Greece, etc. It is found in this form at 7. 10. 1.
2, 10, 13 (cf. 11. 4. 11. brahma vdi ndiidhasafii), in connection with another
bit of later wisdom : " These two worlds verily Avere together. They, on
separating, said, ' Let us wed ; let us possess in common.' Earth gave
heaven the Syaita and heaven gave earth the Naudhasa " (Samans). The
former is so called because Praj;lpati quieted cattle with it, making them
return to him (so the priest becomes the Tathergod when he says hih
Avitli the Syaita. as P. caressed his creatures, saying hum ma Av^ith the
Syaita, 7. 10 13—1.5) ; the latter, because, when the gods were apportion-
ing the Veda among themselves, Nodlias Kaksivata approached and " A
seer has come among us,"' they said ; - let us give him some Veda
(brahma).'" So they offered him this Silman, which is therefore called
Niiudhasa, "and it really is (genuine) Veda."' On the atmosphere as
vtyat. '• separate,"" personified as having dugs, see 24. 1. 6—7. and cf. SB.
7. 1. 2. 23.

- Tor the atmosphere " is, as it were, no thing," TS. 5. 4. 6. 4 ; " the
atmosphere is, as it were, a hole between this and that world,'" PB. 21.
7. 3. It is the " weakest world,"" 7. 3. 18. It is also grammatically
neuter. On the three worlds (tlu-eefold, pun at G. 2. 3, pimarnava) and
their metrical equivalents, cf. 7. 3. 9 ; 7. 8 : 12. 4. 13 : 15. 10. 9 ; 16. 16. 4 ;
19. 10. 9: 23. 18. 4, etc.

Traxs. Conn. Acad., Vol. XV. 3 -July, 1909.

34 E. W. Hopkins,

heinous sins may be removed by great sacrifices (brahmaJiatya, for
example), so that it is scarcely an infringement on the moral per-
ception when it is admitted (or rather triumphantly proclaimed)
that, by the recitation of a verse of the Rig Veda, 9. 58. 3, goods
received from a person from whom goods ought not to be received
may be converted into goods acceptable and stainless to the re-
cipient.i

Transfer of sin is an accepted doctrine. One takes upon himself
the sin (fault) of the sacrifice, if one blames it, 5. 5. 13 ; if one tells
the faults of those initiated one gets a third of their sin (another
third goes to the eater of the food, and another to the ants.\ 5.
6. 10.

One rather curious view is also to be noticed. It is assumed
that the gods will take the same attitude toward a suspected person
that men take, or, as is said in the TS. (just as an inauspicious voice
follows a murderer), so " an unholy voice," aputa vac, seizes him
who is accused, though he has not really killed (TS. 2. 1. 10. 2).
Hence " the divinities avoid the man whom people falsely accuse,"
18. 1. 10—12; but, it is shrewdly added, if he pays for a sacrifice,
the priest will make his food acceptable to the gods, and e\en men
may eat of it, when he or the food has thus been purified. Com-
pare 2. 17. 4, "impurity gets hold of him whom the 'inauspicious
voice ' gets hold of." Those who falsely accuse are the real sinners,
6. 10. 7 (explaining aravanaJi in RV. 9. 61. 25). Untruth, it is said
in another place, 8. 6. 13, is a "hole in the voice," which may be
filled (discounted) by the sacrificer adding a syllable to a verse !
Wealth is a sure protection against sin if rightly efnplo3-ed in
sacrifice. " Even a sinner by means of wealth (i. e. gifts of cattle)

^ This is tlie celebrated case of Taranta and Puriunlclha. following-
whose example one may convert received goods into '• not received," or,
in other words, enjoy the goods, but not as " accepted " from a person
who is revolting to the delicate feelings of the recipient, 13. 7. 12-13.
Compare the principle at 12. 3. 13 ; 6. 6. 'Qy the Saman one destroys sin,
kills ogres, and rivals, becomes better; and if a pure man becomes worse
he may make abound in himself all power, vigor, and manliness through
the Saman, 11. b. 11, etc. The words used above of CTausrd<:ti and Asva-
sukti are applied to Taranta and Purumidha in JB. 3. 139 ; cf. Sat. B.,
bahu prntigvhya garaginiv {iva meuate)^ Oertel, JAOS. 18. 39. One may
even get back a realm, as in the case of the deposed (Rajanyarsi !) royal
seer Sindhuksit, 12. 12. 6. Cf. the same phrase, 15. 3. 25, in the history
of DTrghasravas, Rajanya-rsi ; and of Vitahavya Srayasa, £f. 1. 9 (15. 16.
3), not " became enlightened " (Saj'ana).

Gods and Saints of the Great Bni/imaiia. 35

getv; to the top,'' and cattle are mystically identified with Ukthas,
recited verses, 17. 2. 2 and 4.

If the rite is here magical, ^ it is still more accompanied by all
the signs of barbarous magic where the universal calamities, such
as death or an eclipse, call forth the same paraphernalia as that
found among savages. In the death rite, the mourners go round
(the ludrjdllya mound of purification near the altar), striking the
left thigh with the (left) hand, three times, 9. 8. 9. In the eclipse-
rite (when the gods fear that the sun will fall or get lost} the rite
of the twenty-one nights (the sun is " the twenty -first," see below)
is ordained ; for by this rite (or by some other rite) the gods, or
a seer of old, removed darkness from the sun, 4. 5. 2 ; 4. 6. 13; 23.
16. 2. But this really reverts to the simplest form of all for the
driving awa}' of the eclipse-demon. This is recorded in 4. 5. 2,
where it is said, " The demon Svarbhanu wounded the sun with
darkness, but the gods won the sun back by making noises "
(svards). The B'rahmana, however," elsewhere records the view
(which, though Vedic, is really more advanced) that Atri, the seer,
was sought out by the gods to help them, and that it was owing
solely to his incantation that the eclipse-demon was at last driven
away. According to 6. 6. 8, Atri by a " lightening,"' dhdseua, drove
off the darkness, which disappeared as a succession of sheep, colored
in due order, "black, silvery, reddish, and clear" (cf. 11, dtreyatU
candrene 'cchardy, Atrir hi tasya jyotih, an allusion to " Atri's gold "'
as the fee to the priest). This story without the "sheep "' is repeated
to the credit of Atri at 14. 1 1. 14, and it is only here that the scholiast
interprets bhdsa as a Saman. The other passages sa}' nothing of Atri's
help. TS., as in PB. 23. 16. 2, says that the gods " sought an expiation "
for the sun, and then gives the sheep as above, onl}', instead of krsiia,
rajata, lohiiiJ, .sttkla, it has krsija, phalguiii, balaksJ, but also without
Atri's help. JB. 1. 81, has krsua, dhilmra, phalgunJ (JAOS. 26. 191). 2

* Magical also is the sha\iug off of the hair of the head, •' to desti'oy
a man's evil,"' so that " being lighter,"' he can get to heaven more easily,

4. 9. 22. Compare TS. 7. 4. 9. 1.

- In the Ch. Up. 1. 6. 5, krsnain bJids is the Saman, suklam bhds the
Re. As the '• sheep "" are in TS., there must have been an old error
that converted Civir abhavut to avir abhavat. Compare kymCivir abhavat^
6. 6. 8 ; same in TS. and JB., though the following TS. shows that m'f
Avas then understood. There is only bhdsa ^ no sheep, in PB. 14. 11. 14.
In SB. 4. 3. 4. 21, there are no sheep, though Atri is mentioned ; in

5. 3. 2. 2, all the glory belongs to the gods (Soma and Rudra, also no
sheep). In AB. 4. 19. 3. TB. 1. 2. 4. 3, etc., bhdsa may be due to PB.

36 E. \V. Hopkins,

The S3'mpathetic rite for increase, pouring- out water that increase
may follow, is found here as in other Brahmanas. Besides the
rational view that water produces plants and plenty, 13. 9. 16, apo
hi sautilt, 8. 7. 8, there is the view " seed is water," and so, to
strengthen seed, water is poured out upon the right thigh. Since
seed is threefold fhaving vigor, virility, and virtue), the priest must
count the women f/iree times, and the wife of the sacriiicer must
have the water poured over her thigh, uncovering it " quite far "(other
Brah. say " wholh' ''"), since this (symbolism) is a " cause of pro-
geny," 8. 7. 8-13 (originall}' water had "essence of milk," ksJra-
rasa apali, 13. 4. 8j. Compare TS. 6. 5. 8. 6; AB. 1. 3. 3; .SB. 4.
4. 2. 18.

The part of the Fire-god is so purely conventional, that nothing
need be said of him except as a moral factor. As elsewhere, he
heads the gods, 25. 14. 4, leads them to battle as a horse, 8. 8. 4
(11. 11. 6; cf. AB. 3. 49. 7); is all divinities, 9. 4. 5; 18. 1. 18, is, in
particular, Rudra, wiio causes cattle to be lost and found, 12. 4. 24 f.
(cf. TS. 2. 2. 10. 4 ; 5. 4. 3. 1 ; and 3. 5. 4. 3) ; a slayer, ghdtuka,
21. 2. 9 (active adj.), feverish [rfira, ranrava Saman, 7. 5. 10) or
"roarer", as also in 14. 3. 19, where he becomes "food-eater" and
then roared, agardayat, agaiigjlyat {gdungava, one of the howling
chaunts) ; a practiser of tapas, ib. and 14. 11. 37, where also he is
"guest of every clan." He could not at first blaze up, 13. 3. 22;
he is built up in figures, e. g. as the " tail " of the fire-laud, 20. 16. 3
(SB. 5. 2. 3. 6, he in the lowest part, Visnu the upper part, pardr-
dhya. of sacrifice). His first body dissolved and became unguents
{gauggula, pJtitddrii, etc.), 24. 13. 2 f . (TS. 6. 2. 8. 6; SB. 3. 5. 2.
15.) He is the one fire, just as men say "there is but one sacrifice,"

16. 1. 3 f . He eats all things, and those who worship him with
the rite of a thousand nights may also eat anything, sarvam esdni
ddyam, through which rite he won the impelling power id. 24. 15. 2)
of Savitar (as is said, 25. 17. 2, of Prajapatii, 25. 9. 2 f. That he
is (burns) "best in the middle" is proclaimed at 19. 10. 3 and 11. 9.
But above all he is purificator\'. Not onl}- is there an " ordeal by
fire " (see below), but even he who praises the Fire-god is said to
enter fire, and the god destroys his impurity, apfitain ksdpayati,

17. 5. 3-7; 16. 5. 10. When Agni " went Ijurning the worlds," the
gods were afraid of him and averted him with a branch of the
Varana tree and so saved themselves, which is the reason for the
name of the Varavantlya vSaman and for the medicinal use of the
(magical) Varana tree. That too is the reason why a priest should
not only not drink from a cup made of pottery (as " his mouth is

Gods and Saints of the Great Brahniaua. 37

an oblation " cf. TS. 2. 5. 4. 3), 16. 6. 14, but should also avoid to
use a cup of Varana wood, as he might quench the god, 5. 3.
9—12. On the identity with Kudra, comi)are the account of gods
dividing up cattle and passing over Kudra, who is a slayer of cattle,
ghdtnka, 7. 9. 18. In case Kudra kills cattle, a cake is offered to
Agni Kudravat, 21. 14. 13 (TS. 2. 2. 2. 3). In 6. 9. 7-9, Mahadeva
kills cattle. Probably he is " that god," who in 14. 9. 12 is called
the Hunter, Jiiygayn, and is said to have obtained " overlordship
of both (kinds oi) cattle'' (PW. only as name of Brahman). The same
expression is used of Prthi Vainya,i 13. 5. 20. The " three lights '
are Fire, Sun, and Moon, 12. 13. 32 (VS. 8. 36). Compare TS. 6.
2. 3. 1; 3. 9. 3; TB. 1. 1. 8. 4; 4. 3. 6.

Lesser Gods and Demons.

The relation between the Creator and the other gods is that of
a father, who helps them in all difticulties. More interesting is
the relation between the gods and demons. The chief difference
between these is that the demons represent darkness and the gods
light, the demons evil, the gods good. But there is some historical
feeling in the statement that the gods were " younger brothers of
the demons " (both being " children of the Creator," historically a
damaging addition !) and that the demons were stronger, did some-
times jirevail, and would often have prevailed, had it not been for
the help of the Father-god; e.g. 8, 3. 1, P. helps gods to drive out
the demons, as they struggle for the worlds, by the Kaleya (' dri-
ver.') It is to be noticed that the interpretation of the gods as
younger brothers of the demons, though a favorite opetiing of the
'^Q., is apparently new to the PB., as it is mentioned only in 18. 1. 2 :
" Gods and demons were both sons of the Father-god. The demons
were greater and stronger ; the gods were littler (yovmger) ; the
gods took refuge with the Father-god (who saved them by disco\-
ering the iipahavya rite and, lest the demons should spoil the
sacrilice, by performing it " unexplained.") It is nowhere said that
the demons (like the gods) were presented with immortality by the
Creator. The means employed by the gods to defeat the demons
is, of course, a metre or rite. " The gods could not overcome the
night into which the demons had gone, till they used the Anustubh
and Viraj ('• light ") and thus discovered them hiding in darkness,"

1 Vrt3Ui has the overlordship of ^-forest <'iittle." 23. 13. 2.

38 E. U\ Hopkins,

9. 1. 9. The gods (of light i revive the wasting day, 14. 9. 10 and
26 (b}' different Samansj. Some of the ritual is wrested from the
demons (borrowed from aborigines?), 8. 3. 3 (vidadvasu, RV. 8. 66. 1) ;
from whom they also get cattle (according to the extraordinary
interpretation of 8. 4. 6, the "sweetest," RV. 9. 1. 1!) The two
parties are not always " foes at sight." They decide their relative
position at times by a bargain, hi 13. 6. 7, for example, they " make
a compact " that all the cattle of both parties should fall to those
who got the " victory," and by the so-called " victor}' " (Samanj the
gods won ! A ver}' exciting contest took place on one occasion, a
duel of wits to determine what could not be determined b}- force
(21. 13. 2 f.). "The gods and demons contended together, but
neither side \\'on. They said, ' Let us win b\- matching (mating)
words. Whichever of us two fail to find the mate of a word,
shall be beaten'. (All agreed andj the gods said ekos (unus), but
the demons matched it by saying eka (unaj. The gods said dvan
(masc), but the demons matched it b}- saying dve (fem.). The
gods said trayas, but the demons matched it by sa3'ing tisras. The
gods said catvaras, but the demons matched it by sa3ing catasras
(fem., the last numeral to be so distinguished). The gods said
pailca. The demons found no match. Thereupon the gods won ;
the demons lost."i Compare SB. 1. 5. 4. 6 f .

^ Tlie purpose of tliis tale is to ilhistrate the inherent importance of
a rite of five nights, apropos of which the text says that both man and
cattle are fivefold (a commonplace, but not always explained in the same
way : here S. " man is fivefold in having- feet, hands, and body," instead
of '• hair, skin, iiesh, bone, marrow.") The rite, it is said (cf. SB. 1. 9. 3. 19),
is '■ not a one-horse affair *" (that is. it is capable, in having two lauds
as steeds, more literally '• not a one-bullock cart.") for (as the proverb
says) " With a double team one gets where one will," 21. 13. 8. This
proverb appears again not of the asthnri but of the " wheeler " at 16. 15. 4 ;
aiid again at 23. 3. 8. of the winged bird (figure of rite), yatra yatra hi
pciHl kdiuayalr lad tad ahhyasmitc (in this form also at 24. 3. 3 ; 25. 3. 4).
At 25. 1 . (>, the cakrrc'aiii form has tad tad for fad, and at 20. 13. 2, yatra
yatra . . tad tad. The contrasting sthdri is found at 18. 9. 17, stJmri yava-
citaiii (TB, 1. 8. 2. 4, acchdvakasya), and it is contrasted at 16. 13. 12, as
a one-horse team going one krosa. with the dvyoga, pra^t/vdhin, and catur-
vdhin teams, with two, three, and four hoi-ses respectively, going a krosa
farther apiece (on fastenings, 16. 1.13: carrying ib. 10. 8; chaunt at wheel,
18. 7. 12—13: sound of car fastened -'spoke by spoke" follows devaratha
rathantara. 7. 8. 8—9 {ankdu and rein-liolders, 1. 7. 5—8 = TS. 1. 7. 7. 2:
TB. 1. 3. 5. 4).

Gods and Saints of the Great Bralnnaiia. 39

In the ordinar}" account of the gods' strife \\ith the demons there
is a monotony of phrase and idea, which renders a detailed de-
scription unnecessary. 1 They contended for the sun, 5. 5. 15; won
worlds by sapha (= sain-ap) 11. 5. 5 and 15. 11. 5; gods and seers
by different means got to heaven, 8. 5. 7 : the gods got, as, all by
the as-farntra (eight-night rite), 22. 11.6; won worlds from demons
by the cow-laud, 20. 6. 1, also by abhijit, 20. 8. 1 ; 22. 8. 4. The
gods overthrew the citadels of the demons who pursued the wast-
ing da}- of sacrifice, 12. 3. 14. At one time the gods were beaten
by the demons and took refuge with the Creator. He offered them
the god-citadel, deva-pur, and they secured safet}- by entering it.
One ^^•ho is pursued (bewitched) by another should sacrifice with
the rite called devapur. Then one gets to the god-citadel and is
not conquered, (read astytyai), 22. 17. 2 (cf. abhicaranlya, 8. 1. 1).
Cf. TS. 7. 2. 5. 4 ; TB. 1. 7. 7. 5 ; and " Indra"s house of refuge " (belowj.
The gods on arriving in heaven " were afraid of (their own) igno-
rance " but dissipated it b}- a Saman called "well-known,"' 5. 7. 11.
They performed a rite, A\'ishing, " ma}- we sit in heaven " before
the}- could get there, 23. 19. 2 (cf. the talpyas, who share the gods'
couch, 23. 4. 5; 25. 1. 10 j.

One tale, brief but vital, breaks the monotony of these narrations.
Once, as the gods and demons struggled together, the gods that
fell failed to rise again, though the demons came to life ; but by
means of a Saman (luckily) called "not hurt" they discovered how
to come to life again, as the Saman carries with it the implication
"may we not l^e hurt," 12. 5. 23. It is, however, said here that
the gods discovered the Saman only by practising austerity, so

^ Tlie same is true of wliat tlie gods won by this or that rite, as
'• one Avoiid after another." 10. 12. 3. by n/ttficinas, though here too inimor-
talitv is won by the liudhana. Other cases are 2. 6. 2, ^von heaven 1)}"
vMiiti-^ ?). 2. 2. idem; 4. 2. 2, heaven by prdyatftya: 8. 3. G, Sadliyas
won heaven by midday, pressing (ib. 4. 1. and fetching Soma, below^ ;
world liy s.itohvltatl. IB. 11. 9 : 12. 7 ; 14. 4 : Ijrhat, 18. 2. 8; middaj-,
19- 11. <;: paruka. 21. 8. 2 and 6: pra and 2!dvcit. 14. 3. 24 and 9. 40;
sct}k7(it. 15. 3. .36 ; earth, air. heaven, b^^ butter, cows, soma. 17. 13. 18.
Originall}' the range of the gods" metres was only from one to seven
syllables : that of the demons from nine to fifteen : for then the gods
(meaning their metres) "W'ere littler and the demons greater. But the
Creator, in Anustubh form, took the side of the gods, so they got syllables
from the demons and conquered. 12. 13. 27 f . Cf . •• littler '" metres. TS.
6. 6. 11. 5: IS. 8. 74 f.

40 E. W. Hopkins,

the " austerity-practising gods " tapascito devdh, 25. 5. 2—3, scarcely
deserve to be reckoned as a special " class of gods " (PW.).^

The battle of the forces of light and darkness is never ended ; for
when the gods conquer they still find the demons in possession
and have to begin again, but this is partly because, when the gods
have driven the demons out of earth, air, and sk}-, successively,
the gods themselves " yearn again for earth," 9.2.9—11. They find
Bliss only after four days, almost an insulted [pratyitpoditd) goddess,
19. 7. 2. Cviriously enough, though the act of slaying the demons
is virtuous, evil always follows the slater. This comes out most
clearly in the stories of Indra fbelow), but once it may affect all
the gods : " The Raksasas (demons or ogres, like the usual Asuras)
desired to destroy the sacrifice of the gods. Indra overthrew them
so that they rolled together [smiivartaiv updvapat, which gives the
name to the Saman called Saihvarta). Evil pursued them (or him,
pdpmd vava sa tan asacata, or v. 1., tam agrhiult, both are stereo-
typed forms ; see below). By means of the Saihvarta (Saman) they
removed that evil. One who praises with the Saihvarta Saman
removes evil (sin),'' 14. 12. 7. It is perhaps chance historical insight
as well as fanc}- which says " verily all the sacrifice was f^originally)
among the demons," nor is it wholly unhistorical when the chaunt
is regarded as the " womb from which Prajapati created sacrifice,"
8. 6. 3-5 (compare yoner yajilam pratanavaniaha iti, ib. 4.).

The success of the gods depends on their use of metres to a
great extent, but the metres are not all of the same potency. Not
by the eight, eleven, or twelve syllable metres (Gayatrl, Tristubh, and
Jagati) did the gods get to heaven, and " not quite " by the Anustubh.
But they took the essence of the four directions and added this
(as four syllables) to the 4X8 syllables of the Anustubh, and with
this Mighty (Brhati) metre at last they got to heaven, 7. 4. 2. The
gods conquered for themselves the Fire-laud, but they could not
win the Ukthas (recited utterances) till Agni, the fire-god, led them,
8. 8. 1. Characteristic is his refu.sal to do so till he knows what
he is to get for his services. "What am I to get out of this?" he

> On the other hand the Visvasrjas are really treated as a division of
the gods, found here, 25. 18. 2 f.. as in TB. 3. 12. 0. 7 (^ sloka." v/s-rasr/ali
prathame sat ram dsata . . . hiraiunaya]), sakinio bra/iniaiidina) : cf. 2.0. 4. O.
Apropos of the bird-form of brahnia (the syena is •• swiftest of birds,"'
13. 10. 14; JB. 3. 1.58), the sacrificer himself "flies to heaven like a
great bird," s'akuna iva vayo blmtva, 5. 3. 5 (a common ghost-form) ; cf.
-a bird of light," 19. 10. 3; 11. 8; rite as bird, 14. 3. 10: 5. 1. 12. panyah
patati-^ 22. .5. 2; 23. 3. 7; 24. .3. 3: SB. 6. 7. 2. G.

Gods and Saints of the Great Bnihmaiia. 41

asked. " What you will," replied the desperate gods. He claimed
then the right to have these utterances recited in his name,
inaddevatyasii. With Agni as a horse at their head the gods
advanced against the foe. Then Indra said " Who and I (with me)
will follow this up ? •' I and " (yovi), said Varuna (to act as aid :
hence, as both helped, the laud is theirs, cf 11. 11. 5-6). At last
Indra 's bolt was cast at the dragon Vrtra with the Brhat the glor}-
of which became another chaunt (cf. the " division of Veda " and
the power left over as material for new chaunts in 7. 10. 10; 8. 6.
1 ; 9. 6 ; 9. 2. 3 ; 12. 9. 21). Except for fighting, the gods as a bod}"
only divided cows and the Word (as metres) and " apportioned
(vyabhajaiita, vyakiirvata) the Veda," 8. 6. 1 ; 9. 2. 3.i

Although the godVisnu is duly recognized, he is not really prominent.
He is a rt(?6'a, invoked with other gods, 21. 10. 13, as "head of the
sacrifice," 1. 1. 8 (cf. 1. 6. 5; 12. 13. 22); he is the anta of divin-
ities, 21. 4. 6; supports Indra, 8. 8. 7, and is identified with sacrifice.
9. 6. 10 and 9. 7. 5 (vJryaiii, va indro yajno visnuh) = 9. 7. 8 and 10.
(ya/'/lo vfd visnuh sipivisfo yajna eva visnau pratitistliati \ sipivisfa as
the Creator's cattle-form, 18. 6. 25-26). He, as sacrifice, " sets to
rights," 13. 5. 5. Prajapati, 20. 3. 2, gets back his cattle by appeal-
ing to Visiui (iiiidii ma Ipsa), who " stepped forth," after P. had
vainl}- tried to get them back with the help of Agni, Indra, and the
All-gods. As in SB. 14. 1. 1. 9 f (cf. (?) TS. makhasya iiro 'si, 1.
1. 8. 1.), Visnu answers to Makha in TS. 5. 1. 6. 3, " M. is sacrifice. "
Compare the scene where the gods get the power of Makha at
(PB.) 7. 5. 6—16: " Desiring glory, the gods held a sacrificial session,
Agni, Indra, Vayu, Makha. They agreed to share whatever glor}'

* Tlie metres are divided as usual. Giiyatri to Agni and the otlier
Vasus at the morning pressing (on caste meti-es, cf. 6. 1. 11) ; the Tristubh
at midday to Indra and his Maruts ; the JagatT at eve to All-gods and
Adityas. The famous Viraj, identified with man (cf. TS. b. 6. 10. 3) as
tenfold, 2. 7. 8; 19. 4. 5. is of ten sjdlables, G. 8. 2: 12. 10. 8; 13. 7. 8:
15. 1. 5; 11. 13; 23. 3. 3; of thirty' syllables, 10. 3. 12: 23. 26. 2: and.
as parcnuii^ is o£ a thousand syllables, 25. 9. 4 (cf. the pahkti Viraj\ and
group of iovty, 24. 10. 2) ; identified with food, 8. 10. 8 ; 12. 10. 8 ; 13.
18; 13. 7. 8; 16. 0. 5 (cf. 12. 11. 22). To it belong the vishmibhas, 12.
10. 10 ; it is the light of metres, 6. 3. 6 ; and is personified, stanai'ofl, a.s
a milch-cow, giving wishes, 20. 1. 5 (13. 11. 18, of Prajapati) ; with Praja-
pati is connected the Vairiija Saman, 16. 5. 17. Deficient metres are said
to belong to the J\Iaruts, 17. 1. 3 ; three-syllable refrains (intercalated) are
Visiui's meti-e, 12. 13. 21 (see IS. 8 76). " Metres are powers with wliicli
one overpowers others," 9. 4. 7. Tor metres fetching Soma, see 8. 4. 1 f.

42 E. W. Hopkins,

came to them. Glory came to Makha, but he went off with it.
The gods surrounded him, wishing b}' force to make him give it
up. He stood leaning on his bow. The bow-end flew up and cut
off his head, which became the Pravargya, introductor}' sacrifice.
Makha is sacrifice. When they offer the Pravarg}a, they replace
the head of sacrifice.'" In the subsequent division, Agni got the
chavmt explained here as " howling " {rditrava, equivalent to cattlej ;
for the demons stro^'e about the gods, and Agni (rfira) burned them
till they howled (aravauta). Indra got the " victor " chaunt and the
thunder-bolt : and Vayu (wind) got breaths (vital powersj as the
ausana chaunt). Here there is no mention of Soma, as in SB., nor
is it said that ants gnawed the bow-string, as in .SB. above (still less
that Indra as an ant did this, or that Makha was Rudra. as in TA.
1. 5. 2). In TS. 3. 2. 4. 2, Rudra is Makhahan, but so are Agni
and Indra " sla3'ers of Makha '" (sacrifice).

ludra.

The accepted successor gf Prajapati is Indra. called his " eldest
son" in TB. 1. 5. 9. 1. Though Prajapati created all creatures, the}'
would not " stand for " his superiority. " But he extracted the ess-
ence of the four quarters of the world and of all creatures and
made thereof a wreath. And when he had put this wreath vipon
himself the}' acknowledged his superiorit}'. But he desired that
Indra should be the best among his children and he put the wreath
vipon him. Then all creatures acknowledged Indra's superiorit}'.
seeing upon him that wonder-work which the}' were wont to see
upon the father," 16. 4. 1-3.1

Indra is the typical warrior. At the Mahavrata ceremony, girded
knights in full panopl}' march about representing the Indra-power,
5. 5. 21. His people are the Maruts, storm-gods, but chiefly rain-
gods of inferior position, so that they are identified with the pros-
perous husbandmen of earth, who are the pre}' of the nobles. The
Great Brahmana has not much to say about them, but what it says
is valuable as a testimony of the low regard in which the agri-
culturist was held. Their prosperity is indeed without limit; they

^ The next section says that in the same way a son who gets most
(during tlie father's life) is popularly regarded as the heir of all the
pi'operty (JUB. 1. 51. 5. eldest son has first choice). Indra. thus honored.
•• conquered all " (but only by means of sacrifice) ib. 5. On silpa the
wreath-wonder, beautv. <'f. ib. 'J and IG. 6. 13 ; 15. 2.

Gods Olid Saints of the Great Bniluuaua. 43

are numerous, for it was their wish to be greater in number than
other j2,"ods, so that they are reckoned b}- groups (cf. TS. 2. 2. 5. 7 ;
11. 1\ They are the common people among" the gods. ^

hi 21. 1. 1 f., it is said, " Indra phmdered the Maruts, his own
people, of a thousand cows, delivering" them over to Soma, the king.
Hence (nowadays) people plunder the husbandmen, delivering over
to the king (the booty)." The following" tale, of Yama's overhear-
ing the two robber-gods (representing the nobles and the king) and
insisting on getting his share, is too long to cite in full, though it
has one interesting feature which ma}' be explained in brief After
letting" the two gods kno\\" that he wanted his share in the plunder,
Yama proposes a sort of wager to see which shall get the most
de.'^iral^le cov\", and the three agree to let the matter be decided
according to whichever of the gods the cow shall approach first.
A similar wager is made between Indra and Rusama, when they
make a bet as to which will run round the earth first ; and the
great saint Visvamitra makes a \\ager that his team will drag a
heavy wagon up a river-bank, failing to do which the Saudanti
people, his opponents, are to get the wagon, while if he wins the}'
are to till it with good things for him. 2

Indra is the only live god of the day. The Father-god, Prajapati,
is an abstraction and the other gods are merely gods of the machine,
but Indra, though trammeled by the ritual in which he is enmeshed,
still " struggles to be free, his hinder parts," and remains a very
amusing" and real god, although, again, his greatest activit}' is ex-
hibited in the combat with the demon Vrtra. Vrtra, however, is
not a mere thievish demon. He has, in fact, a godlike personality.
Just as " when Varuna was initiated, his glory departed, Bhrgu his
son getting a third of it, the Srayantiya Saman a third, and a third
entered Axater," ^ so, when Indra killed Vrtra, the demon's variegated
form iDecame the earth, the .stars, and the " lotus " between (i. e.
the atmosphere), and when the sacrificer puts on the lotus-wreath,
he symbolically assumes the power of Vrtra, 18. 9. 6. As the wreath

1 PB. ly. 1. 14; 19. 14. 1; 21. 14. 3 witli 14. 12.9, "rays of Indra."
The Maruts are represented as jealous of Indi-a. Agastya consecrated
Ijulls to them, but slew (bound) them for Indra. Taking- the thunderbolt
the ]\Iaruts llew at Agastya. He saw the KayasubliTya Saman (RV. 1.
165) and calmed them with it. 21. 14. 5 (cf. 9. 4. 17. Agastya's Sukta ;
TS. 7. 5. 5. 2).

2 14. 3. 12; 25. 13. 3.

3 18. 9. 1. f. ; cf. SB. 5. 4. 5. 1 ; TS. 1. 8. 18. 1. (EV. 8.99. 3 srayan/a
iva xiirvaiii).

44 E. IV. Hopkins,

also represents the twelve-month year, it is clear that Vrtra is a
divinity like Varuna. Conversely, among the sacrificial offerings is
a load of barley fib. 7 and 17), given expressly nirvarunatvaya,
•' to escape from Varmia," that is from ill cavised by his demoniac
power. 1

Indra slays Vrtra in the Rig Veda Ijy casting the thunderbolt at
him ; but at this time he does so only with the help of holy syl-
lables iaiyaha Hi, aiyado-lw ve 'ti, 11. 11. 12 j; or with the Saman
praiuaiiliisfhjya, 12. 6. 6 ; or with the abhinidhana, 14. 4. 5; and his
thunderbolt is now the Vasatkura, 8. 1. 1—2. The "fifteen-night"
rite is the bolt with which Indra won his victory, for " not without
a bolt does one overthrow power," 19. 16. 2; 23. 10. 2-3. By the
" seven-night " rite and by the Paficada.sa he overcame other divin-
ities, 22. 8. 2; 25. 1. 9. His heirlooms are from Prajapati, the
" iidbhid of Indra " is the iidbliid with which, 16. 16. 2 (abo\e) Praja-
pati was the splitter- up of the worlds. He recovers strength by
means of recuperative Samans, 18. 11. 1—3. He kills his '• evil rival '"'
by the Vighana ceremony, 19. 18. 2 (TB. 2. 7. 18. 1 1. Other similar
means are recorded in 12. 13. 23, and ib. 14 and 16, as well as in
8. 5. 1 ; 8. 8. 6 (here he is supported b}' Varuna i ; and in conjunction
with Agni, 19. 17. 1; 24. 17. 2, where the two, as in 25. 11. 2, are
said to be the " strongest two of the divinities." B}' the same
Vighana, Indra also slew " the ungodly magical powers which pursued
him," 19. 19. 1. Indra himself is par excellence the magician, as in
13. 6. 9 he exerts in vain all the magic at his command.'- In RV.
7. 98. 5, Indra himself overcomes " ungodh" magical powers '" ; but
here he first runs to Prajapati. In 14. 8. 6, before he kills " the
evil one," he is strengthened by other gods. He practices austerity
to obtain glory and power ; his strength is increased by sacrifice ;
his whole joy is in praise ; metres are his steeds, and " where they

^ Varuna was not at first acknowledged as king ; barley was not at
first agreeable to him, ib. and cf. SB. 3. 8. 5. 10 and 5 2. 5. l'^} ; also
PB. 13. 9. 23; 15. 3. 30. TS. 6. 6. 5. 2: 7. 3 ; SB. 4. 4. 5. 10; 5. 1. G.
In the dispute recorded at 7. 8. 1 f.. between Prajapati. Agni. Indra,
the All-gods, and Mitra- Varuna, Indra says " I am. the best among you,"
but the Father-god makes them share (in the vaniadevyain, snrvadi'-.-atyam).
He lias a sava and praghasa, 19. 13. 1 and 17. 13. 7—10, and curses the
Vratyas in 12. 18. 2. who. under Budha as sthapati. liad illegally lield
a sacrifice ; but the popular verses appended show that the curse was to
little effect. Tlie most important sacrificial function of Varuna is in
taking (disposing of) all that is ill-sacrificed, 13. 2. 4; 45. 1. 3; 2. 4 ; 7. 7.

2 In KV. 8, 14. 14, the mayas ai-e not the denions' but Indra's.

Gods and Saints of the Great Bnilnuava. 45

are, there is Indra." He is a bull, for the bull is the lord of
animals. ^

Indra 's relations with his chief enem}- are not those of an eas}-
victor. He fears, gets his power as a gift, parlejs, etc., 8. 4. 5 :
5. 11. He fears the Brhat which was "born with him," and .surpasses
him till the god takes away a sixteenth part of it to make the
sodasiii, 12. 13. 1. He receives help and cannot make it avail (in
one of the many tales of personified metres, 12. 13. 4). The same
opening serves for another tale at 13. 4. 1, where Prajapati is said
to have extracted " the virile power of metres " and given it to
Indra. so that at last " he split the demon's skull in the middle,"'
sJtnaii, \\hence the name sinia (as in the following the mahananinyal)
verses are etymologized from ntahyo, cr}"); but see ib. 9. 4 {sinia
as sainana).

The chief variations from the stereotyped formula of the Vrtra
tales (to the effect that b}' the help of this or that chaunt or rite
hidra killed Vrtra) are as follows. Indra raised his bolt against
X'rtra three times and three times Vrtra said, " Do not smite me,
there is power in me ; I will give it to you." He gave it to Indra
each time ; each time Vi.snu received it [from Indra]. So the verse
(Rig Veda, 6. 69. 8) says " You both conquer, win a thousand, "
and the moral is that one should give a thousand cows as a
sacrificial fee, in three divisions, 20. 15. 6. Compare AB. 6. 15. 11.
and SB. 1. 6. 3. 17; 3. 3. 1. 13 and 15; 5. 5. 5. 5, from which it
is apparent that each .story has a double form, for (in SB., for
example 1 more than ' power ' is given, and in the application of the
Vedic verse, the description of the cows is one practical!}' dupli-
cated in the story falready told above i about Soma and Indra being
forced to divide with Yama the cows, or the thousandth cow, which
has all the qualities of the thousand separate cows. 2 The tale (here)

' 14. ii. 34; 19. 7. 5; IB. 3. 8 ; 9. 4. 8 ; r^ahhata. 19. 12. 2-3 (18. 6.
14): TB. 1. G. 1. 8. etc.

- In PB 21. 1. 3 f. tlie cow comes out of the water first for Soma as
a brown red-eyed heifer, a year old, as tlie soviakraymu cow ; second for
Indi-a as a speckled cow, saball paHthauhl^ the iiidi-iyuispu, three years old ;
tliird for Yama, as an " old, diseased, hornless, cow, or a dun cow, two
years old. and too short in the forequarters," the anustaranl. TS. 7. 1.
6. 3 lia.s here ro/iinl. laksmana^ pastJiaukJ, vartraghnl (as in SB.), but for
Yama's cow the descriptions differ altogether, except for the word " old " ;
viz . in TS., miirklid tajjaghanyCt^ in PB.. kusUV xfRgy (-iidaid) dhumrCi vCi
dityCuthl 'nuatah hraslyas'i [ditya for liviTiya, cf. tnryuith'i). Sayana explains
hii4a as hi^tavania (PW. for htsiha). Yama is elsewhere rej^resented as

46 E. IV. Hopkins,

is told, TS. 2. 4. 12 (6. 5. 1. 1, of the iikthyani; of. SB. 4. 2. 3. 10,
Visnu assists Indra and he kills Vrtra, when he has lost the iiuiya
of sacrifice).

Indra killed Vrtra and lost strenji,th. The jj'ods sought an
expiation prciyascittam, for him. Nothing did him any good save
the " bitter vSoma " (rite), 18. 5. 2; with the same opening ib. 11. 1,
vyabhraiisata for lyarthat, and the remedy as the Smyanflya (in TS.
2. 5. 3. 2, his strength enters earth and becomes plants).

A word here on the Soma that flowed from Vrtra's nose and
became arjiinaui, with brown-tufted stalks ; and from his cut- up
omentum, lohitatnlani, red-tufted, 9. 5. 7. There is first the putika
substitute for Soma, see ib. 5. 1 ; arjuncmi are substitutes for
substitutes, ib. 1. 4. The piitika fell from the GayatrJ, shot by
Soma-guards, the gods found ilti (help) in it, hence p-ilti-ka. Gods
ascend to sacrifice openly b}' the Soma-rite ; of men of old there
was asuta; of gods, sitla. Soma obtained kingship b}' austerities
and became glorious, 11. 3. 9. The priest is Soma, the god Pusan
is cattle ; thus in sacrifice the}' magnif}' their own divinit}-, they
" have made a skin " (protection), 23. 16. 5. On the piltika, see
also 8. 4. 1—2 (cf. TS, 6. 1. 6. 1), on metres fetching the Soma and
the Gayatri bringing it with hands and teeth (three pressings). The
description resembles Kath 34. 3 {loliitatfila), rather than SB. 4. 5.
10. 2 f. Nor does the Great Brah. here seem the earlier, as it also
appears to have a later version of the Visvavasu stor}", which in
PB. is disjunct, while in TS. it immediately follows the Kadru story,
as in SB. 3. 2. 4. 1. In TS., V. stole the Soma, 6. 1. 6. 5, and,
being a Gandharva fond of women, is tempted to sell Soma for a
woman. Vac. Similar is the well-known version in SB., whereas the
PB. has the story separated from the stor}- of Gayatri (above), 6. 9.
22 : " The metres verily brought the Soma hither. The Gandharva
Visvavasu stole it and therewith entered the water. The divinities
sought after him. Visnu spied him in the water. He, A'isnu, anxi-
ously considered, " Is this one here really he ? " (sa vyakaiiksad ayam
nil 3 )ic^ Hi (S. nviti vitarke, ayam somapaharta bhavcn no veti).
He poked him with his foot. Hence the drops were scattered
separately " (etc., to explain etc asrgram indavah, RV. 9. 62. 1 a).

To return to Vrtra : Indra on smiting him thought he had not
overthrown him and fled to the farthest distance. Pie there took

obtaining the overlordship of heaven by means of a Saman (Yama), so that
it could not be taken from him, anapajayyam, 11. 10. 21 and and •• YamI
made Yama get to heaven by the same Saman." il). 22.

Gods and Saints of the Great Bnihiuaija. 47

refuge in the Anustubh metre, after he tore it apart [z>yni(/iat), i and
crept down into its middle. He who knows this and praises Indra
with the proper Samans (7) in this metre, W'Orships in Indra's
"house of refuge" and stands in securit}', 15. 11. 9. Which the
expression I'lidragr/ic 'bliaye, " Indra's house of refuge," compare
10. 5. 15—16 : ■■ As men enter the world, so the divinities enter the
Dvadasaha ceremony. This is the home of the gods, oko devanam ;
it is their house, gr/inh. One who practices this rite need not fear
that he will be without a home," Jia 'gr/iataya bhayyant. 2 The
beginning of this tale is found AB. 3. 15. 1. Cf. devapur, above.

One more tale of this character, like TS. 2. 1. 4. 5, but differing
in the means of escape from the " Evil," and without notice of the
•• cows of Videha " from Vrtra's head (cf. ib. 5. 4. 5. 4.) Vrtra, on
being attacked by Indra, involved him in sixteen coils (so MS. 3.
8. 7, but in 2. 5. 3 in seven), from which Indra released himself
only by discovering an appropriate padastobha. Even then " the
evil" still clung to him; but he removed that also by the same
means, 13. 5. 22 f. This common motive, already referred to,
implying that, of necessit}-, the slain haunts the sla^'er, is best
known b}' the tale of Namuci. " Verily Indra and the demon Namuci
agreed together (saying), • Of us two not (one) shall smite (kill the
other) by night or day, with (what is) wet or dry.' " Indra cut off"
his head at dawn before sunrise with foam of water, (thinking)
•■ this verily which is at dawn before sunrise is ' not b}' day or
night ' ; this which is foam is neither ' wet nor dry.' " This head,
a greater evil, speaking a word to him followed him (sa3-ingi
•• Slayer of heroes, thou hast injured the innocent," vlrahaun, adniho
dniha {Hi). Not by sacred verse or chaunt could he destroy it :
but (at last) by the Harivarnasya nidhana he destroyed it," 12. 6.
8-9 (cf. TB. 1. 7. 1. 7, luitradhntg, iti, freed by apamargas; SB.
12. 7. 3. 1, a later form; paplyam (sic), cf. Mbh. 2. 64. 3, papJyas,
v. 1. papJyani, and PB. 13. 5. 23, papma vava sa tain agrhnat.).

The cry of the accuser in the Great Epic, 9. 43. 37, is mitrahan
papa, and here the guilty god is purified by bathing in the Aruna

1 See, on this '• Avomb " metre, 11. 5. 17: and nd ' niriyri/umt/ {rniKshtbham
iJianddhsi)., 6. 1. 11 ('Siidi'a metre).

- Cliildi-en and cattle are also a man's home. Cf. 2. 3. 2 ; progeny is
a nest, kuldyam^ and so are cattle ; 19. 15. 1, kitldyam is the same as
gyhdli appUed to a one-day ceremony called the " Indra and Agni kulaya,"
whereby one " gets to a home," kuldyam eva hhavati. A man's home.
nkas.^ is where " he is familiar with eveiything," sarvam asmdi divd bhavatL
5. 8. 9=9. 1. 11 (cf. Ch. Up. 3. 11. 3).

48 E. W. Hopkins,

Tirtha. The demon is an Asura, his head is a Raksas (ogre), SB.
o. 4, 1. 9. The thought of Indra, even when he kills Vrtra, is that
he has sinned, as in PB. 22. 14. 2, " Indra on killing Vrtra thought
he had done wrong," akaryaui cakarvan amanyata. Compare TS. 2.
5. 3. 6 = 6. 5. 5. 2, " Indra on killing Vrtra fled to the farthest dis-
tance thinking he had sinned," aparadharn. But with Namuci the
sin is double, because it is a betrayal of sworn friendship. Similar
is the reproach of the kine in the case of Mitra himself, when he
has deceived his friend, Mitrah saji krurmii akar, " Being the friend
thou hast done a cruel thing," TS. 6. 4. 8. 1, cf. PB. 13. 6. 10, where
Indra instigates the perfidious deed of Sumitra and a voice (the
usual " inavispicious voice ") cries, sumitfah san kriiram akar.

The gods of course trick the demons without compunction. Like
Sanda and Marka, " two chaplains of the demons, whom the gods
cajoled by a trickl}- invitation," upamantrayanta, TS. 6. 4. 10. 1
(cf. for the names, TB. \. 1. 1. 5; .SB. 4. 2. 1. 1, etc.), was Usanas
the Wise, kavya, " the chaplain of the demons, whom the gods ca-
joled by a trickly invitation," here b}^ wish-cows. They offered
him the Samans called Ausanani, for the}' are wish-cows (that is
the Samans of Usanas grant wishes like the wonder-cows), 7. 5. 20.
In 14. 12. 5, Usanas "desired to win as great a world as that of
other Kavyas and so practiced austerit}', discovered the Saman that
bears his name, and with it won his wish." i The " seer's son " has
here apparently (as later in the epic) become the devil's chief minister
(magician alread}- in RV. 9. 88. 3^ ; but in fact the historical process

1 The (metrical) wonder-cows were originally eight, but one collapsed.
samastryata. and became agricultni'e. The gods got exclusive possession
of the Avisli-cows by means of the Aksara Saman. 11. 5. 8 (cf. Prajapati's
use of this Saman, to make the sap of the worlds flow, 11. 5. 10). Two
other head-demons, known in the SB. 1. 1. 4. 14 as Kiliita and Akuli are
probably mentioned in PB. 13. 12. 5. kirdtaku/ydii asiiramdyc. as disturbing
the Giiupayanas at divine service by dispersing (pun on the name V antah-
paridhy asiin prdkiratdni) the saints' vital breaths among the sacrificial
sticks ; though, by repeating, from PV. 5. 24. 1, the words ague tvam
no anfaiiia, the Gaupayanas recovered theii' vitality. Hiis Vedic passage
is not in the Vedic Concordance for PB. So too RV. 8. 66. la is lacking
entirely for PB. (8. 3. 3 and 6); PV. 9. 1. la, lacking for PB. 8. 4. 4.
and 5; PV. 10. 55. 5 a, lacking for PB. 9. 6. 3. On the text, S. says
kirdtd mh'cchdh tatkiilyardpc.^ '• belonging to the Kirilta (barbarians) clan,"
but probably dkii/ydv is to be read, as an adjective with mdye. Compare
IS. 1. 32 ; JR AS. 1866, 438 ; JAOS. 18. 42. JB. has kirdtdkull . . osur-
ttnidydii (verb, nyadhaftdm).

Gods and Saints of tJic Great BniliDiaija. 4^

is reversed. He was "wise" as magician and was hence regarded
as son of a "Wise man" or, more remotely, was Iranian.^

Indra's conduct with the Tvastar faniil}- is typical, hi this case
also he kills unjustifiably the son of Tvastar, and an inauspicious
voice addressed him, sa3ang " O brahma-sla3-er ! ". hidra fled to
Agni for help and b}' means of the Agni-laud, discovered for this
end b\- Agni, he removed the inauspicious voice, 17. 5. 1 (fire burns
away sin). 2 The story is found in all the Brahmanic (cf TS. 2. 5.
1. 2, etc.) and epic literature ; but less well known is the fact that
when hidra had ophthalmia, aksyaniayin, other beings could not put
him to sleep, but " Tva.star's daughters " put him to sleep by sing-
ing to him the chaunt that bears their name. Again, when Indra
was running awa}' from \>tra. he entered a cow, and Tvastar's
daughters bv the same means "brought him forth," abntvau jana-
yanie 'ti, tani ctailj sumabJiir ajauayan, 12. 5. 19—21, and so metaphor-
ically became his mothers. These daughters may be so called from
their curative abilit\- and reall}- have nothing to do with the god.
The first story seems akin to that of TS. 6. 1. 1. o, where it said
that, when hidra killed Vrtra, his e5'e fell out and became coUyrium.
Compare also ."^B. 3. 1. 3. 13 (and 11), where the same story makes
the ointment come from mount Trikakud, into which the eye changed
on falling ovit.^ With the second tale, cf. Indra's flight into the
Anustubh (above), or into water, SB. 7. 4. 1. 13.

hidra in connection with saints and seers : The action of the
Brahmana, though Nam! Sapya, a Vaidehan king, is known (25. 10. 17),
has to do with the holv-land of India, where are the Sarasvati river.

1 Here his name was Kavi or Kava. On the Iranian origin of this
and the preceding chaplains of the demons, see Hillebrandt, Ved. Myth.
3. 442. •• Kavj'a "' also of Idhat, who '* saw heaven." 14. 9. 16 (aidhafa
Sanian. for Itot^ ditata) ; and of Uksnorandhra, 13. 9. 19.

"- Cf. SB. 11. 1. h. 7-8, Vrtra = sin. to be Inirned a\\ay (TS. 2 1. 4.
6-7).

' Compare also the common story about Prajapati's eye swelling and
falling out and becoming the horse, or entering barlej-, as7'o yad asvayat,
TS. .5. 3. 12. 1 ; 6. 4. 10. 5 (barley); PB. 21. 4. 2 and 4 ; SB. 13. 3. 1. 1, f.,
where the horse is gouged in the thigh by a bee. In VS. 8. 14, Tvas-
tar himself is a healer ; in PB. 9. 10. 3, he is the •' transformer of the
forms of cattle," as in SB. 3. 7. 2. 8 and 3. 11 ; 3. 8. 3. 11 : 13. 3. 8. 1 ;
TS. 2. 4. 6. 1 ; 6. 6. 6. 2, he, like Wind, is the fashioner of seed ; and
he is the lord of cattle, who at fii'st used to try to protect them from
sacrifice by spitting on their heads, as Amerinds spit on snakes in the
Hopi dance.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XV. 4 Jdly, 1909.

50 E. IV. Hopkins,

Kuruksetra, and the Naimisa (25. 6. 4j and Khandava (forests.) i
Kuruksetra is the whole earth, for Indra once made a bet (aitsam
prasya) with Rusama that whichever of them should first run round
the earth should be the winner, and " Indra ran around the earth.
Rusama ran around Kuruksetra. She said, ' I have conquered 30U '
and he said, 'It is I have conquered you.' They asked among
the gods, and the gods said, ' Kuruksetra is as great as the altar
of Prajapati,' so neither of the two won " [for, adds the Commen-
tator, it is said (in the TS. 2. 6. 4. 1), " as great as is the altar of
Prajapati, so great is the earth."] The reader is supposed to know
the logical connection (cf. JUB. 5. 1. 5).

Another case of the " inauspicious voice," aslJla vac, is found in
the well-known story of Indra's dealings with certain saints, ascetics,
whom he " gave over to the hyenas " (house-dogs ? cf. sahinirga).
In 14. 11. 28 and 18. 1. 9, this voice reproaches him for the act
and he considers himself impure, till recalled by the iipaJiavya cknha
given by Prajapati. So in 19. 4. 7 (with another expiation). The
account in 8. 1.4 says that three ascetics were left and that Indra
supported them with cattle created by uttering a Vedic verse, RV.
1. 84. 19; while another account, in 13. 4. 17, gives the same names,
but in other order, as representing warrior, priest, and agriculturist,
each getting a boon from Indra, power, holiness, and cattle. ^

All the "Seven Seers," Bharadvaja, Ka.syapa, Gotama, Atri^
Vasistha, Visvamitra, Jamadagni, are at least noticed in the Great
Brahmana, as they are recognized as a group in 1. 5. 5 (seven
seers and seven priests) ; 22. 4. 2 and 7. More often than any of these,
however, are mentioned the Bhargavas, the various sons of Bhrgu,
some of whom are known only from this work.^

1 Besides the Vaidehan, cf. 22. 15. 1 and 10. Knsurubiiida [dasarCitra).,
s. of Uddalaka (TS. 7. 2. 2. 1), of nortlierii Kosala, Mbh. 9. 08. 22.-24.
"Whether Aruiii (with Aryala) at 23. 1. 5, is the same man is nnrertain.
A sacrifice on the Sndaman river by Ksemadhrtvan Paiiiidarika is men-
tioned, 22. J 8. 7 f

* For the latest discussion of this story, with the parallel at JB. 1. 185,.
see Oertel, JAOS. 19. 123 (cf. TS. 2. 4. 9. 2 ; 6. 2. 7. 5 ; AB. 7. 28, etc.).
Prthurasmi is here identified with Prtliu Vainya, who in PB., as Prthi
Vainya, " obtained the mastery (overlordship) of both (domestic^ and wild)
animals," 13. 5. 20; TB. 1. 7. 7. 3, Prthi Vainj-a ("got a realm"'). The
act of Indra in killing Vrtra is put on a par with his treatment of the
as(;etics at TS. 3. 3. 7. 3, each is ajni'dhyam., an " unholy '' act. Compare
the amcdhya passages cited by Oertel, JAOS. 18. 48.

^ One of these, 14. 9. 32, had the unique experience of getting to
lieaven twice by means of his cliaunt, the Dvaigata Saman, which is

Gods and Saints of the Gnat Brahniaija. 51

'• The seers did not see Indra face to fece, pratyaksam. Vasistha
desired, ' How may I see Indra face to face ? ' He discovered (his)
Nihava Saman and then verily he saw Indra face to face. This
( Indra I said to that (seer), ' I will teach yon a Brahmana (secret
wisdom, like Upanisad), so that the Bharatas, having you as their
chaplain, may be multiplied ; but {atJm) do not describe me (as
revealed in the lauds) to the other seers ' {uia ' nyebJiyah . . ma
pravocali). He told him these laud-sharers and then verily the
Bharatas, having- Vasistha as their chaplain, were multiplied," 15.
5. 24. This story is told in almost the same words in TS. .8. 5. 2,
where also are found the descriptive epithets which in PB. appear
at 1. 9. 1, f. See too VS. 15. 6.

There is a Saman called "dear to Indra," 12. 12. 9-10. Through
it "Vasistha gained the love (premavam) of Indra ;i and he gains
the love of the gods who praises with this Vasistha Saman." Com-
pare 15. 3. 33 and 11. 8. 14, where is mentioned the Vasistha (Brah-
niaiiaj or the Vasistha Saman, with which " Vasistha Vrdlava,
praising Indra, straightway saw the heavenly world." In 7. 7.
17—18, it is said that when the gods went to heaven and the Rath-
antara metre, because of its greatness (the laud in 19) could not,
Vasistha by removing the (mahinian) greatness and praising with
it went to heaven. When his son was slain, Vasistha thought himself
deticient (liJ)ia, lowered) but by seing RV. 7. 32. 26, Samans, and
a " four-night rite " he was enabled to have children and cattle and
"arrive at the top," 4. 7. 3; 8. 2. 4; 19. 3. 8; 21. 11. 2. The over-
coming of the Saudasas by V. hataputra, of TS. 7. 4. 7. 1, and TB.
is not mentioned (.Saudanti, above.) A member of the Vasistha
family is Gaurlviti Saktya, but, though mentioned three times, he
is praised only as having had unusual insight and success (having
offered a meat-cake at the Yavyavati river), 11. 5. 14; 12. 13. 10;
25. 7. 2 (cf. SB. 12. 8. 3. 7 ; AB. 3. 19. 4).

Other saints dear to Indra were the Vaikhanasas. In 14. 4. 7 is
narrated their tragic tale : " The Vaikhanasas verily were seers dear

supposed to be the origin of his name, Dvigat, since " he returned (to
tliis world) and went again to heaven. His Saman therefore bestows
two Avishes." The Saman of Asita Daivala (epic !) grants even three
Avishes, since he " saw the sight of the three worlds " {dri^fim apnsyat)^ 14.
11. 19 (cf. 15. 5. 27, dsitain brahinanani).

* This rather unusual word is used TS. (7. 5. 8. 1 and) 5. 5. 8. 2 of
gaining the love of Prajiipati , explaining the preceding prajapater
hvdayend ^pikaksam pretty upatiKthate^ Avhich plu'ase in PB. 5. 4. 4 is follo-o'ed
by jydistJiyam jayanti.

52 E. W. Hopkins,

to Indra. Them Rahas3'u, a (demoniac) god-robl^er {devamalimhic).
killed at a place called Saints' Death ivmnijitarana). The gods
said to him (Indraj, ' What has become of your seers ? ' He tried
to hunt them up but could not find them. (Then) with one stream
(at once) he clarified these worlds i and found them at Saints' Death.
With this (Vaikhanasa) Saman he revived them ; for this verily was
then his desire. The (Vaikhanasa) Saman grants wishes and with it one
gets one's wish.'' Compare also ib. 9. 29, " Puruhanman, a Vaikahnasa,
by means of this (Pauruhanmana Saman) straightway saw heaven "
(etc., stereotyped phrase, as in 12. 3. 23, and other passages). The
Vaikhanasa vSaman is mentioned TS. 7. 1. 4. 3, in connection with
the Ailgirasas Havismat, Haviskrt (below), and Puruhanman is said
to have been an Ailgiras (author of a Vedic hymn). A saint un-
known but " dear to Indra " was also Gara, who " by means of the
Gara Saman delighted Indra," 9. 2. 16 (on RV. 8. 2. la).

More remotely connected with Indra is the " son of the man whom
Indra helped." Aindrota, whose own name was Drti (S. Drta). He
is fifth after Indra in the line of succession and called Saunaka, JUB.
3. 40. 2. In quite the st^le of the Upanisad he is addressed by
Abhipratru'in, a king-seer: "O Drti Aindrota, thus verily spoke (the
Kuru, JUB. 1. 59. 1) Abhipratarin Kaksaseni, w^here do those go
to, who ascend to the top of a great tree ? (Answer) : O king, those
that have wings fly forth : down come those that have no wings '" ;
(and the application) : " Those who have wisdom have wings ; those
that have no wisdom ha\'e no wings," 14. 1. 12 and 15 (cf. JUB.
3. 13. 9). The same speaker appears again in 10. 5. 7 : " O Girik-
sit, son of Uccaman3'u (thus said A.K.), how is it with the twelve-
day rite ? " (He answered) : " As the tire surrounds the spokes, so the
Gayatrl metre surrounds it. that it may not fall apart. As spokes
are fastened in the hulj, so in this Gayatrl is fastened the twelve-
da}' rite." On the story of the son of Abhipratarin, which shows
that propert}^ was divided in the lifetime of the father, seeJB. 3. 156
in JAOS. 26. 61. In the JUB. 3. 1. 21 and in the Chandogya the
father is associated with a Kapeya (Ch.U. 4. 3. 5. f.), and of this
clan it is said in the Great Brahmana that " the Kape3-as caused
Citraratha to sacrifice with this (two-night ceremony) and made him
the only beholder of food. Hence the first (one) of the Caitrarathins

^ Compare our " first sliot," etc., but, as the stream may be dimlj'
t'onnected in the mind with the clarifj'ing process, it is as well to leave
the original sense : tan praisam dicchat tan nd ''vmdat^ sa imCui lokdv
ekiicihdreua 'piinut. etc. With the " god-robber," cf. " sacrifice-robber,''
rtiji~t(imi(!}. TS. 8. 5. 4. 1.

Gods and Saints of the Great Bralunaiia. 53

is born as a satrap, Ksatrapati, while the second is hke a depen-
dant " {aiiHlainba; of. 18. 9. 16), 20. 12. 5. hi the epic, Citraratha
is king of Ailga as well as king- of the Gandharvas (Gita, 10. 26).
The Drti mentioned above may be he of 25. 3. 6 : " Drti and Vatavat
verily entered on this rite in Khaudava. At the completion of the
Mahiivrata, .Vatavat closed the session ; but r3rti completed (the
twelvemonth course, ayandjA Hence the Vatavats are thinner ('or
fewer), the Darteyas are fatter (or more numerous)."'

The god's attitude toward the saints is that of an honored but
critical diner. Just as Prajapati is feasted in silence " since it would
be improper for servants to discuss the food while waiting on a
great man, for blame of the food would be like knocking into the
road the offering brought to a distinguished man for his journe}-,'"
15. 7. 3—4, so Indra has his favorite cooks, though they must h&
ready on time, for •' those who come lirst win Indra, as those who
first enter the water win the ford," 9. -t. 12.- He prefers the Soma
as prepared by Turasravas with the Triurasravase (two) Siimans,
and by Jamadagni with the viliavya. 9. 4. 10 and 14. "The more
the ceremony, the dearer to Indra,' yo vui bhilyaii yajnakratuli sa
indrasya priyali , ib. 15 (cf. TS. 3. i. 7. 3). He was deficiently
praised by all beings till Rsya discovered the omitted form, a/iga,
and by praising with it '• reached Indra's dear place," 5. 4.
14.3

Turasravas was favored by Indra carrying off from the Jumna for
him the offering of the rival Paravatas on the Jumna (9. 4. 10). He
is not again mentioned: 1:)ut Jamadagni is more important. He
(above) was a rival of the seers (in TS. with Visvamitra he is a

1 visii7'ati vatavdn ii/fh/si//,it/ siiiiidpdyati drfi'li. The verbs are all in the
present tense.

- Yd vdi pCirTdh pmsiidnti tdlb pnri'ds Urthaui jayanti, pdrirt (T'c ' udriini
drabhaiite. Compare TS. •>. 4. 8. 3, yasya pflrvasya iuliiuiti\ sa era bhavati,
jayuti tarn sa]n<rrdinain. Tlie ford-crossing wlieu there is no good bottom
is made by " holding on to each other,'' yutlnl \ia ugrat^-ddJie vyatii^ajya
i^uliaiitc^ evidently a proverb, 14. 8. 4 and 8 and 15. 2. (i. and 9 (cf. KV.
10. 53. 8. asinanvatl rlyate snm rabkadhvam')^ like its mate, " who enters
ocean without a boat does not return to shore," both being applied to
the " saving verses " of the year-sacrifice and the metre, 5. 8. 5 and 14.
5. 17 (explained 11. 10. 16); cf. 5. 3. 3, meti'e as a •'hairy sea;"" also
TS. 5. 3. 10. 1.

* Cf. Ar. S., 4. 9, for the Bsya Samau. The next section of the Brrdi.
tells how " shame," /iritaiimkha, may be obviated in the recitation [praty-
(d-^(7 not paroisa)^ ib. 15.

54 E. W. Hopkins,

rival of Vasistha, 3. 1. 7. 3 = 5. 4. 11. 3)^ and Indra, at a place
since known as " Indra's Yell " is said to have yelled at him and
Visvamitra, " O Visvamitra and Jamadagni, here (come) these cows"'
(therefore the "Yell Saman " is given, to secm-e cattle, 13. 5. 15
("cattle come when called with the voice," 23. 28. 8). 2 Jamadagni
is one of the numerous " sons of Bhrgu " (Turasravas is said to have
been an Ailgirasa), who is especially celebrated on account of his
prosperity, which is said in this Brahmana to have been caused b)-
his catftratra, or four-night rite, and e\'en now it induces such famih'
prosperity (possession of cattle and sons) as to give rise to the
proverb in regard to his descendants, " The two sons of Urva (des-
cendants of Jamadagni) are not recognized as grey-haired men '"
(that is, they seem young, na va ilrvau palitau sauijancde), 21. 10.
5—7 and (without the proverb) 22. 7. 2 (compare TS. 7. 1. 9. 1,
tasmat palitcai jainadagjiiycm ria sanijanate). In 1. 5. 9, firva is a
general name for a class of manes (feasted at midda}-) distinct from
kavyas and avamas {= ilnias, AB. 7. 34. 2). Jamadagni is one of
the three saints who had three lives {palita cannot be " poor,'') and
part of the " prosperity " of his family is shown in their youthful
vigor even at an advanced age. In TS. 7. 1.8. 1, Aurva is prov-
ided with sons by Atri (four-night rite), who is mentioned in PB. as
discoverer of this rite and thereby getting four sons, 21. 9. 2 (another
rite gives ten sons, 25. 7. 4; one gives a thousand, 15. 16. 3).

Visvamitra is known also by his rite called " V.'s victor}-," to
explain which it is said that the "Jahnus (and) Vrclvatas were fight-
ing for kingship. Visvamitra the king, a Jahnava, saw this (four-
night ritei and so got the realm; the others got no realm," 21. 12. 2. ^

Another seer, author of Vedic hymns (8. 23-26) and materially
helped by Indra, was Visvamanas. An ogre seized him as he was
going out to stud}-. Indra noticed him. " An ogre has seized the

1 In TS. 5. 2. 10. 5. Vas. represents the cast ; Jam. the north ; Visv-
the west.

- Compare on the Indra-krosa, TS. 7. 5. 8. 1, a yell at the end of tlie
ceremony keeps the indn'yciui vlryani from getting a^way.

^ Jahmivrc'ivanto rastra uhiilsanta^ sa T^ih'dmitro Jdhnavo rdjdi 'taiii
icatnrdtraui) apasyat \ sa rd^ram ahharad^ ardi^rain itarc. ^Ry ana : ya/moh
piitrd rdvanndtnakdh kcicnia rdjdna dsau^ etc. The Jalmavas and Vrcl-
vatas (Jalinu as in AB. 7. 18) are meant. " Indra slew the VrcTvatas,"
it is said, EV. <>. 27. 5. In 14. 11. 33, a Vaisvamitra called Udala
attained to children and power by the Andala Siiman {prajdtim hMnndnam
agacchat^ Stereotyped except for Kulmalabarhis who (by the Kaulmala-
barliisa), prajdpatiw (sic) hhiiwdiiam agacchat (15. 3. 21.) !

Gods and Sai//fs of the Great BraJimaua. 55

seer," said he to himself. Then he addressed the seer, saying",
" Seer, who is this one thee (has seized) ? " The ogre said, " Sa}'
it is Sthanu "' ; so he said " Sthfinu." " Hit at him with this," said
(Indra), extending his thunderbolt as a reed to the seer. There-
with he split the ogre's skull at the middle suture, and as such (for
this reason) the (ordinar}-) reed on earth is called " Indra-loent."
This (dead ogre as) evil, papnia, seized the seer. That evil he re-
moved l3y means of the Saman (called after himj the Vaisvamanasa
Saman. 15. 5. 20. ^ The long list of heroes helped and fiends de-
feated is coniplemented by two tales of females. 2

^ The reed is called mdrenata, " made {nirmita) by Indra," according
to Savaiia. Above, kas ivCii ^sa Hi (sc. agrahit) is exti'aordinarily pregnant
as the beginning of an address.

- These tales of Akuparii and the ogress Dirgliajihvl (who destroj'ed
sacrifice) have already been sufficient^ discussed by Oertel, JAOS. IS.
2(3. and Proc. Or. Congress at Paris.^ p. 285, with fresh parallels. The fu'St
name, 9. 2. 14, maj^ be complemented by the tale of Akupara Kasyapa,
who " got power and greatness " through the same Saman by w^liich Indra
made clear the skin of the Angirasi Akupara, 15. 5. 30. Compare the
tale of the "smoothness of skin" arakmtd., gained by Kapivana
Bhiiuvayana, 20. 13. 4 (Kath. 32. 2). The name of the seducer of the
ogress must be Sumitra Kautsa, as in JB. (The reproachful voice of
this tale, 13. (3. 9, has been spoken of above, p. 48.) In all the prose
of the Braliniaua, tlie proper name stands first, followed (if at all) by
the patronymic or metronymic, and then by the clan-name, though a
kiihi or sdkha name may be the only one besides the proper name.
The second name is usually in pati'onymic form Atnara, Srayasa (as
Kasyapa above is patronymic). Cases of two names are common ; for
the third, cf. 8. 6. 8 : etad dim sum vd dha Kdsdmbali (sic !) Svdyavo
braJinid Ldtai'vali. (v. 1. Lalavyah), kmh S7wd adya sihinidr'i yajuapathe 'py
astd g(/r/syat/ (Kusamba, son of Svayu, a priest of the Latavya (son of
Lata) familj'. In poetry the proper name may come last, mah'uii dlksdiit
Sdumdyano Budho yad udayacchata., 24. 18. 6 (for tidayacchat of text, wliich,
however, recognizes this as slokd). Above, Sumitra Kautsa is called
kalydna. that is " handsome " ; but elsewhere this too is a proper name
(see lielow). The -eya patronjanic exchanges with -dyana in Upoditi
Gaupillej-a (= Graupalayana, AB. 3. 48. 9), cited at 12. 13. 11 {visdldm
Ijbiijuyd bJidtyd ^bhyadhdt . . . na s'riyd avapadya^ I'ti). It maj'' be added
that the pati'onymic may designate the ancestor. In 13. 12. 8 it is said,
" Verity by means of this (Saman, called " good, bhadrani, of Gfotama "),
Gotama attained power and greatness (jemdncan maln'mdiiam agacchat.^ same
plu'ase in 15. 5. 30, of Akupara. and elsewhere). Hence those (of the
family) before and after Gotama are both termed " Gotama-seers," ye ca
pardnco gotamdd ye cd 'rvdiicas ta tibhaye gotamarsayo bnivate. Brhaduktha

56 E. W. Hopkins,

But there is another side to the worship of Indra, one which re-
veals the fact that there was distrust and unbelief in him, carefully
as the fact is veiled. The saint who was lacking in faith is ex-
pressly mentioned, but stronger confirmation comes from the delib-
erate suppression of the tnith, such as is contained in the version
of the dolphin-seer in the Great Brahmana, as compared with the
accovmt in JB. cited by Prof. Oertel in this volume. The seer
of JB. 3. 193 flouts the god and is only brought to his senses by
Indra's inducing Prajapati to dry up the water and leave the scorner
humbled, while in PB. the account is as follows : All loeings praised
Indra. He, meeting Sarkara, a dolphin-! sisumarajseer, said, " Praise
me." He, scattering water, said, " So much would I praise thee "
(JB. has " I will not praise thee '' ). Therefore (the god) caused a
commotion (swelling ? vega) of the water. This seer then thought
himself deficient Qowered, hlna), as it were. He saw this (Sru'kara)
Siiman. Therewith he compassed not the water {\. e. his praise
exceeded the water !). That only was his wish. This STirkara
Saman is a wish-winner; by it one wins ones wish, H. 5. 15.

But in 13. 11. 10, Vidanvat, "sou of Bhrgu," dares more, or his
act cannot be concealed. " He struck at Indra.' Perhaps the tale
is for the moral whoU}', as " sorrow assailed him." However, he
practiced penance and saw four Samans and •' removed his sorrow."'
In the JB. version (given by me in JAOS. 26. 43 and 63), Vidanvat
supports Cyavana, another son of Bhrgu, against Indra, when the
god opposed C3'avana's offering a libation to the Asvins. Cyavana

is known only by his metronymic, Vamneya, " son of the woman
VSmnT," 14. 9. 38 ; but as it is said that he annasya piirod/nini <ii^acrliat^
and the same expression is used of Vamadeva, 13. 9. 27 (whose vannuft'TVd
is otherwise explained in 7. 8. 1) it may be that he i-eall3' is (called)
Vamadevj^a (as elsewhere). Some of the metronymics are explained as
})ati-onymics by the commentator. Thus he says that KaksTvat Ausija
was son of a man called Usija, whereas this saint 'was the son of a
slave-girl, Usij, 14. 11. 17 (at 25. 16. 3, he has Usiputra ; list as in
TS. 5. 6. 4. 5). The name of the seer who " saw " the Saman and gained
an advantage from it is usually given to the Saman in patrom-mic form
(.". ,^'-., " Sukti Angirasa straightway saw heaven by means of the Saukta
Saman," 12. 5. 15); though sometimes the Saman is merely known as
" of him," as in cases already mentioned. So the " Sunaskania Stfmia "
w^as employed (no personal advantage is mentioned in this case) by
Sunaskarna, son of Baskiha, 17. 12. 6. The Saman, however, has some-
times only a clan name, c g. ds'u hhCirgaTam. 14. 9. 9. In 13. 3. 12. S.
has Vrsa I'dijCma^ chaplain of Tryariiiia. son of Tridbatn (Aiksviika).

Gods and Saints of the Great Bi-rilunaiia. 57

is the sou of Dadh3-ak, an Aiigirasa, and was rejuvenated ; the Cvav-
ana Saman iuipHes progeny (liecause the embryo falls out, cvavatc,
or because Prajapati makes rain fall), 13. 5. 12—13 (cf. 19. 3. 6);
14. 6. 10; 11. 8. 11. Dadhyak seems to be a substitute for Brhas-
pati, as chaplain of the gods, at 12. 8. 6 : Dadhyaii vu A//giraso
devaiiinii piirodhamya asTd, aniiatli vai bralnnanali purodha 'iiiiady-
asyd 'vanidhyai (RV. 1. 84. 13a).

There were also Kutsa and Lusa, who invoked Indra, 9. 2. 22.
and Kutsa, when the god turned to him, bound him with a hundred
straps of leather (atiilayoh, too !j, till Lusa shamed him into freeing
himself. This story is to explain the origin of the Kautsa Soman.
with which (it is elsewhere said, 14. 11. 26) Kutsa discovered the
•' separate drinking " on the fast day (]:)efore the Soma-sacritice i
which he "pacified with a bag of i)randy,"' siimdrtiA

Upagu, son of Susravas, is said to have been the chaplain of
Kutsa (here called the son ofUrui.- His story is this : Kutsa cursed
anyone who should revere Indra. Indra came to Susravas and said
•' Revere me ; for verily I am hungry.'' The saint revered him (that
is, gave him an offering of food). Indra, with the sacrificial cake
still in his hand, came to Kutsa and said, " He has revered me.
What has become of your curse ? " " Who reveres you ? " said he.
" Susravas," he replied. Then this Kutsa, son of Uru, took the
iidiinihara post and with it cut off the head of Upagu, son of
Susravas, even as Upagu was chaunting. Then said Susravas to Indra,
" Because of you has this sort of thing come upon me."' (But) Indra
revived this (Upagu) with the Sraisravasa Saman. That was what
he wished (as he uttered the Saman i, and this Srmian is a wish-
winner, 14. 6. 8.

How much of this is sectarian hatred and how much reflects rank
infidelity cannot now be known. But there is no lack of cursing
in the Great Brahmana, some of which is obviously sectarian, as
when it is said that Lusakapi Khargali (s. of Khargala) cursed the im-
potent old Vratyas,^ whose Grhapati was Ku.sltaka, son of Sama.sravas,
saying, " Impure have they become ; the two deficient (smaller)
laudations have they employed. And because of this curse, none

1 Kutsa is an Aiigirasa, author of EV. 1. 94 (BD. 3. 126). Cf. EV.
10. 38. .5; JB. 1. 228; and tlie discussion by Oertel, JAOS. 18. 31. See
also SB. 12. 7. 3. 4 and 12. 8. 1. 16, on brandy as a purification.

^ Upngur vai Saies'ravasaU Kutsasyau 'ravasya purohita dslt^ etc. S on
Kutsa Aurava says •• a royal seer, son of Uru."

^ Sai>ia>i'uamedh]-(l[ji) . . amivyaharat.

58 E. IF. Hopkins,

of the sons of Kusitaka (the Kausltakis) amounts to much, for the}'
are sacrificially impure," 17. 4. 3. On the other hand the
Bhallavis (below) and Sakalas, 13. 3. 10 (Sakala and his Sakala Saman)
are mentioned with approval.

Two rather good stories illustrative of priestly jealous}^ are told.
The first, 13. 3. 24, is well known from its being- repeated in the
Code of Manu : " Sisu Ailgirasa was a mantra-maker of mantra-makers.
He addressed the Fathers as " little sons." The fathers said to him,
" You do wrong in addressing us, who are your Fathers, as little
sons. " He said, " Verily I am your father, since I am the maker
of mantras." They asked among the gods, and the gods said,
" Verily he is }'Our father, since he is the maker of mantras.'' So
he truly won out; and he who lauds with the (Saman called)
.Saisava, wins out (in Manu, 2. 151, f., he is called "giver of man-
tras).'' Compare Mbh. 9. 51. 46, f., where this stor}' has been trans-
ferred to Sarasvata, balas tvam asi putraka, etc.

The other tale has to do with a talking Saman. For even the
metres are personified. They marry and have children, in the form
of horse, goat, and sheep. This is suprising, even to a Hindu, and
not every one knows it. But " he who does know it understands
the voice of animals, " 10. 2. 4—7. This is because the metres are
a form of the divine Word, 18. 8. 3. The Word itself was revealed to
(swam up to, upaplavat) the Niskiri3^as as the}' were holding a session,
without recognizing the third da}^ and showed them the proper
way to hold the sacrifice, by singing in person the suitable Saman
12. 5. 14 (S. says that Niskirtya is either a sect, mk/in, name, or a
family name).

So it occasions no wonder to hear at 13. 10. 8 that " the Saman
(tune) called Varavantlya became revealed ^ to Kesin Drilbh3'a and
said to him; "Unskilled singers, agdfarali, sing me. Let them not
(as chaunters) sing with me as their Sranan. '" He said : " Sir, how
shall your melod}' be ? " "I am to be just (softly) sung ; as if one
sang (softly), so, to give support, let one sing. " It recognized
Alamma Parijanata lying behind the axle and (softly) singing this
melody {agn) and said to him : " Thee will I set before " (the other
priests). They said to him: "Who forsooth is this man ? For what
is he fit {alam) ? " " Fit for me " {alani lua, iti). said the Saman.
and that is the etymology of Alamma. " ^

^ Here Civir ahhavat. Usually the saint '' sees '" tlie cliauut. rite, verse, etc

^ Literally, alam mi riii mahyam iti. somewliat injuring the pun. but

so preserved in JUB. 3. 31. 10. Compare the use of ahim in 21. 3. 3.

Gods and Saints of the Great Braluuaija. 59

Tlie method of singing" is naturall}- an object of great concern
to the author of the chaunters' Brahmana; but the elucidations
given are not ver}' hicid. One is to sing the Yajnayajniyam " as an
ox urinates," yatliu 'nailvan prasi'dvayaiuaija ittJiam iva ce ttham
iva ca (crookedly; with breaks, as deicticalh^ shown), 8. 7. 4; or,
again, the Svadhur Vamadevya is to be sung "as a cat^ carries her
sons with her teeth but without breaking" (the skin), as wind blows
lightly over water," 7. 9. 11 (compare JUB. 1. 2. 4, gcivatraui . . .
vayos en 'proii ca 'nu vartiua geyani, " according tho the course of
wind and water, " and compare ib. 1. 52. 9 (eight agas). In 9. 3. 7,
there is a general rule: yad arvak stuvanti tad astutaw, yat samprati
stuvanti tat stiitaui, yad atistuvanti tat susfiitam, from which it would
appear that an " over-laud " (exceeding the proper number of S3'll-
ables) would be regarded as correct; but the context shows that
su is meant in the sense " too " (blameworthy).

The strenuous theolog}' of the day is paralleled by the severe
methods taken to establish truth. Faith is not always to be found.
" Vatsapri Bhalandana, " it is said at 12. 11. 25, "found not faith.
He practised austerit}'. He saw this Vatsapra (Saman). He found
faith. Verily they enter upon the session saying " May we find faith, ''
and (by praising with the Saman) one finds faith." 2 As Vatsapri.
in TS. 5. 2. 1. 6, is said to have won " Agni's dear place," the faith
lacking may have been (as usual) in Indra, or in the efficacy of the
chaunt. A'ataspra is the name of the h3'mn used in worship of the
fire-shovel Agni (ankhya), RV. 10. 45.

The Brahmana contains one clear case of fire-ordeal. Vatsa Kanva
was reproached b}' Medhatithi, his brother Kanva, with being " no

yo' him aiviadyaya sann atlid 'iimtm jia' ity(if\ SO 18. 5. 8, a/ant i^rdiiidya \
but ill 18. 5. U. atam prajdyuli ! The words as well as the action sliO"W'
that piinis fvd dadhd iti means '•'• make thee foremost," or, as in the
Upanisad. prefer liini to the otlier (Kuru-Pancala) priests. It is signi-
ficant that Siiyaiia says the words mean •■ put yourself in front of the
ratha" (as compared with the priests at the sides). /. c he reads puras
t{7')dd adliali. supplies the chariot, and regards adlidli as injunctive (equal
to dtmd)iam dlidrayci). Kesiii Darbhya is the TS. form, 2. 6. 2. 3, This
same Alamma has already been mentioned as engaged in conversation
witli Eajana KauneA'a (cf. TS. 2. 3. 8. 1) in regard to Arya Millya 's
method of recitation. 13. 4. 11. The son of U.K.. viz. Ugradeva Eajani,
is also quoted. He was a leper, kilasa. 14. 3. 17 ; 23. 16. 11 ; TA. 5. 4. 12.

* Here and elsewhere the usual word for cat, mdrjdra, is not used, but
anknll (here) and vrs^adansa^ 8. 2. 2.

^ Pei'liaps vindante should be read, " they do find faith."

60 . E. VV. Hopkins,

Brahman, (but) the son of a slave-woman." Vatsa rephes as a matter
of course : " Let us walk through fire in the regular way ito see)
whether of us two is the better Brahman. '' Having said this, and
chaunting his own (Vatsa) Srunan, " Vatsa passed through, and not
a hair of him was burned, " 14. 6. 6. The expression used is form-
ulaic [ci. TS. 2. 5. 8. 3, yataro luai brahmlyan).

What became of Medhatithi the passage does not say ; only that
he also walked through the tire, chaunting his own (Maidhatitha)
Saman; but in 15. 10. 11, the same saint by means of the same
Saman is said to have procured cows with strong udders, out of
the (demon called) "split rock'' (? see note).^

The most interesting Kanva Saman is that invented lj\' Kanva
himself. He once chaunted a Saman without any effect till he
overheard a cat sneezing. That gave him the cue and he added
the sneeze-sound. (7.9 {as-kfira-iiidhanam), which is efficacious in
witchcraft, 8. 1. 1; 2. 2; one of the earliest examples of the good-
luck sneeze. -

* Tlie text lias ftma -■«/ JIrdh(7ittthih Kdnvo Viblumiitkad vyndlinlr i;(i,
iidasrjata^ and S. says (as translated above) : vibludanasVad etalsaiHJnakdd
(isurCid vyiidliu'tr vivrddhodhaskd. gd iidasrjata^ iidmraniavdt. The word vyndliiu
occurs only here, and Vibliinduka is unknown as a demon. On the othei-
hand, as Vibhindn is a man who gave cows to j\Iedliatitlii Kanva. HV.
8. 2. 41, and, in JB. '.\. 2:33. Medhatitlii is the •• house-lord." \\liri holds
a sacrificial session with this same Maidhatitha Saman for the Vibhindn-
klyas, to get cattle (text, JAOS. 18. 38). it is possible that the text above
is corrupt (perhaps J'/'h/iiitduklvrh/ivo ov Vd/hhiiidu/c<> dfvdd/nrir \ of. tryndlid,).
The verb does not nee<l an ablative; of. 23. 15. i^, ddi/ynli. . . pasdn
ndasrjoiifa ; pasdn . . nfsrjdnf/ (= lahliantr).

* Apropos : The danger of inauspicious sounds, on the other hand, is
so great that the holy texts are altered to avoid them. For example, as
gird gird might suggest the "swallowing" of the chaunter, these words
are pronounced irii ird, which are auspicious, 8. (5. 8—9 (with comment-
ary on gird and garii^yati) ; and the dangerous use of a negative is to be
avoided by changing jki to mt or even to j?/, in na sausifia/n, RV. 6. 4<S. 1,
and "thus the singer becomes the better for his ehaunt," 8. (5. 12. Ono-
matopoetica. like as for sneezing, abound. Thus //iit is the grunt of cattle.
12. 10. 14; //7.S is the sound of I'ain. 8. 8. lU ; <tf is the note of a frog.
12. 4. IG. Besides these, the ordinary language is but slightly chaiigefl
to produce a Saman effect, as wlien Prajapati's call to his cattle is given
(as the Srnddliya Saman) sned/ii-yd, rki-yd, 15. 5. 35, etc. Compare this
stohha (of the Mahavilivsamitra, " whereby gods removed ill,") lid yd ilia
yd iihd {iti. piisiin cvd'itcna nydti/K/nta, 13. G. 13. The J/iii grunt has be-
come a sacred syllable of greeting, like /inmiud. 12. lO. 13 (7. 10. 15).

(iO(fs and Saints of the Great Brahniaua. 61

Still another Kauva, Devatithi, invented the Daivatitha Siiman,
' and by it turned pumpkins into cows, as he and his st)n were
wandering half starved in the desert, 9. 2. 19, which leads to the
obsei'vation that the desert life of the saints is not always matter
of accident. The same sectarian hatred appears here as was noticed
above in the attack of one set of priests on another. No other his-
torical foundation than that of present possibilit}- underlies stories
such as that in 8. 5. 9 : " As Syavasva, the son of Arcananas was
conducting- a sacrificial session, they T" other priestly sacrificers," says
the commentator; dragged him off to the desert. He (in his thirst)
beheld the (Syavasva) Saman and Ijy its means produced rain and
so got a firm support (foundation) and found a refuge (gfittt).
Verily this Sriman is one that finds a refuge for the worshiper)."
The two seers an Vedic worthies, AV. 18. 3. 15.

But there is worse to record of these good saints. " As Nrme-
dhas (sic) the Ailgirasa was in sacrificial session, they set dogs on
him: but he took refuge with Agni ('Protect us, O Agni,' RV. 8.
GO. 9) and (Agni) Vaisvanara appeared to him [paryudatisthat). Then
verily he got a firm support, then he found a refuge (in the Nar-
medha Saman)," 8. 8. 22. i The same expression is used in 15. 3. 7
of Bharadvaja " finding a refuge " by means of the Saman called
Bharadvaja's adarasrt. His patron was Divodasa and when this
king was hard beset by several peoples, he entreated Bharadvaja,
his chaplain, " O seer, find me a refuge." He invented the adarasrt
(meaning, as explained, " we have not got into a hole "), and there-
by brought the king to safety (the Saman is gatiwit).'^

One of these Ailgirasa saints, Yuktasva, exchanged ^ two children
at birth. Hence his mantra (Vedic knowledge) left him. But it
returned after he had practiced austerity and discovered the Yauktasva

wliicli has magical effect, producing seed, etc. 8. 7. IB ; jaiam (aguim) hiu-
karoti. 12. 10. 13 ; sakvd dhmkvteiia sirasa pdrucd stttvatc {iidgutdi-al})^ 5. 1. 5 ;
dvir avanarded tiihkurydt trt'iyam . . hiiikdro I'di gdyatrasya pratilidrnl}^ 7. 1. 2.
It is tlie '• tenth breath," 6. 8. 3 ; equal to Prajapati, 6. 8. 5.

1 In TS. 2. 5. 8. 3 (above), JSrmedlia (sic) is not so fortunate with
lire as is his rival Paruccliepa (he cannot kindle it).

- The Bliaradvajfiyanas are cited as sacrificial authorities, 10. 12. 1.
•• They asked the Bh. what they made (did, gained), on each of the
six days of a rite, and the reply is in mystic words, prdfva/'ma ; avasam
<Td 'kiirmahi-^ pary evd, 'plavdmuhi \ satdi'va sad apyadadhina [got the
reward of (established ?) the rite by knowledge] ; prdndn era vi cchindanta
(I /'ma ; /dam evd 'gacchdma.

^ S. renders v/paryaharat by vddhitavdu, " caused to be killed.""

62 E. IV. Hopkins,

Saman, for that was his wish when chanting it, and this Sriman
fulfills wishes, 11. 8. 8.

Two other Angirasas deserve to be mentioned because the}' appear
in TS. 7. 1. 4. 1, where it is said that Havismat and Havisl\rt were
two Angirasas who were left behind when the others went to heaven,
but the two by means of a two-night rite succeeded in follow-
ing them. In almost the same words it is said (PB.) 20. 11. 3—6
that " the Angirasas went to heaven, but Havismat and Haviskrt
were left. The two went to the place where the Angirasas had
gone to heaven and practised austerity. They saw their two
Samans and with them performed a two-night rite and so went to
heaven. A worthy man who, so to speak, gets left, pamjyo Ulna
iva, should sacrifice with this rite. He gets an advantage over his
predecessors, apnoti purvesam prahaui, as did the two Angirasas.
One who desires children should sacrifice with this rite, for children
are one's second self; and one who desires to go to heaven should
practise this rite, for the farthest world is accessible from the second
(intermediate) world. Hard to attain, they say (are heaven and)
the rite of two days, dvitJyaui liy etad yat praja . . . dvitlyad dhi lokat
paro loko 'bJiiprakramyo, dftradho dvirntra ify alnihr The Sriman
is a peg by which to secure the day of the rite, for " with a peg
one secures what is not secure," it is said in a second account of
these same saints, at 11. 10. 8—11, where it is asserted that one of
them succeeded on the second day of a twelve-night rite and one .
on the ninth day, with the Samans called Havismata (and Haviskrta,
Comm.). The same figure is employed at 12. 9. 16, only the in-
secure is here made secure with a rein instead of a peg, yad va
adliiiani abhlsuna {saukuna) tad dadliara. As compared with the
TS. version, the PB. version is later in having incorporated two
stereotyped phrases (" went to the place where . . . had gone to
heaven," and "secures an advantage"); cf. 17. 1. 1 and 16. 14. 2.

Who these Angirasas were (fire-worshipers, or a clan-name) is
not clear. But they are as common a poiisto for a stor}' as the
" sons of Bhrgu," with whom they sometimes exchange identity.
The chief use made of them as a group is to set them oft" as saintly
fire-worshipers against the ogres and other children of darkness,
though they are also set against the children of the sun in a noble
rivalry of holiness. Of the first sort, the following sections are a
good example.^

^ In 12. 9. 18, there is a (Siiman) caturiiidlianam Aiigirasam and ib.
11. 10 tlie Kalyana story (below).

Gods and Saints of the Girat Bn/liniaija. 63

In 12. 6. 7-12, the stor}' of 8. 9. 1— o is repeated with a vari-
ation. To begin \\ith the latter : " Now comes the Harivarna
(^Saman). The demons were in these welds. The gods drove them
out from this (lower; world by saying harisriyaiu ; from the at-
mosphere, by saying vi-rajasi; from yonder (heavenly) world, by
saying dive-dive. So whoever has this wisdom mounts up to these
worlds after driving his rival out from them. Verily, Harivarna,
desirous of cattle, saw this Saman. B}' means of it he obtained for
himself (created) a thousand cattle, and so it is a Saman fitted for
the growth of cattle. As the iVilgirasas were going to heaven, ogres
pursued them. Harivarna I:)}' means of this (Harivarna Saman) drove
them off, and so it is a Srunan for the removal of ogres." ^

In 12. 6. 7—12, the same Saman introduces the story of Namuci
(above, p. 47). who, as an ogre-shape, is also driven off by the
final word of this vSaman, whereas the Angiras story, as told above,
appears here with the Tairascya vSaman as the means by which
another Angiras body drove off" the ogres. " Now comes the Tair-
ascya (vSaman I. As the Ailgirasas were going (rea.d yato) to heaven,
ogres pursued them. Tirasci-Angirasa by means of this (Tairasc3'a
Saman) led them down (to destruction) sideways \tiryak). Since
he led them down sideways, therefore it is called tairascya. Evil
verily followed them.'- They drove it off by means of the Tairascya
(Saman). One who praises with this Saman drives off evil.'' 3

It is not surprising in the " cow-walk rite '' to find the animals
sharing the benefit of the rite with the Angirasas and Adi-
tyas, " By it cows increased and multiplied ; by it the Adityas
get a firm support in these worlds ; and by it the Ailgirasas went
to heaven," 25. 16. 2. In 16. 12. 1, the two bodies of saints and
Adityas are represented as co-initiates and as contending for pri-
ority in reaching heaven. The Angirasas proclaimed to the Adityas
the " morrow-pressing " [svahsutya) ceremony. The Adityas saw the
same sacrifice, but as an " immediate purchase." By purchasing
Soma at once and electing Ayasya as chaunter and lauding through
him they got to heaven (in one day) while the Angirasas got left.
Further (ib. 4 ) ; they brought to Ayasya as a sacrificial fee the sun

1 The three words used above are taken from RV. 8. 15. 4-7. Each
word represents a completed verse.

- Stereotyped, pdpma vfiva sa tan asacata (agrhnCii. 13. h. 23). S. seems
to read in'os. '• down." tan. etc.

' Sayaiia t^'kes pa rym ait as -surrounded.'' but it was the overthrow
wliich caused the appearance of the evil.

64 E. IV. Hopkins,

yonder, having made it a white horse. On receiving it he was
prostrated, but he saw (discovered) the Ayas^ani (Samans) and by
means of them he recovered (" put himseh' together " ; hence a white
horse is the fee for the chaunter). These Ayasyani Samans are
medicinal and purificatory at the sadyahkrJ ceremony. But (16.
14. 2) the Aiigirasas by means of a new ceremony, the Angirasam
anukrJ [ekahd) subsequently caught up with the Adityas. " He who
gets left, luna, and is secondary, as it were, anujavara iva, should
sacrifice with this rite. He gets the advantage over his predecessors "
(as in the further verbal parallel Ijelow at 20. 11. 3-4). Compare too
.'^B. 3. 5. 1. 13-19. for a longer version of this same story and the
gilt of the white horse. Here (as expressh^ emphasized in the SB.,
the Angirasas served the Adityas), though an Angiras, or Angirasa,
Ayasya serves the Adityas. As an Angirasa he appears in what
seems to be the end of the same tale at 11. 8. 10: " Ayas3'a the
Angirasa ate the food of the Adityas as they were initiated.
.Sorrow attacked him. He practised austerity; he discovered the
two Ayasye (Samans) and therewith overcame his sorrow " (the same
in 14. 3. 22, except for plural Samani, and "he was prostrated and
put himself together," as above). ^

In another passage the Angirasas appear as howling dervishes.
The}' had a Saman called the "United Yell of the Angirasas," An-
girasam saiiikrosa, and " with it the Angirasas all yelled together
and so got to heaven," 12. 3. 23 (compare " Indra's Yell,'" above,
p. 54). Again, as a group, the}' use the Abhlka (" nearby ") Saman
and so (after previous sorrow) they recovered, for through this
Saman " it rained (wealth) upon them," 15. 9. 9.

There is a group of passages on the Angirasas and Adityas, more
or less alike in that they connect the Adityas with their proper
number, which is twenty-one, on account of the sun 2 being the
" twent3'-first," in the familiar but ever amazing confusion of space
and time which results in the conglomeration of " twelve months,
five seasons, three worlds, and the svm as the twenty-first," 20. 5.
3; 21. 4. 7; 2.3. 17. 2; .SB. 13. 1. 7. 3 ; TS. 5. 1. 10. 3; Ch. Up. 2.
10. 5, etc. For this reason, when the Adityas and Angirasas cele-
brate the rite of thirty-three nights, their respective shares in the

^ In 21, this is introdviced as dyasyam tiras'clnam'dhanmn. Ayasj^a is a
]ioi-therner in JUB. 2. 7. 2—8, liis name meaning "mouth," ib. 2. 11.
<S— 9 ; Cli. Uj). 1. 2. 12. An Angirasa is a son of the Angirasas.

- The sun supports the ckai'iiisastoma., the talpa (couch) of the gods.
10. 1. 12 (but cf. also 28. 4. 5. without reference to "twenty-one").

Gods and Saints of the Great BraJunaua. 65

nights are twent3'-one for the Adityas and twelve for the Augirasas,
24. 2. 2: cf. 23. 15. 3-6 (and 24. 12. 7), where their prosperity in
this and yonder worlds is emphasized, and it is said that there are
seven Adityas (which Sayana takes to mean the seven suns, Aroga,
Bhraja, and others). In 25. 1. 3, and 2. 2, these two groups of
beings get to heaven b}- a similar rite arranged differently, the
Aditvas by having the prsthas " in the middle," the Augirasas " at
the Ijeginning " (hence food, identified with the prsthdni is beneficial
" in the middle " and no where else than " from the mouth," mnkhat
with pnrastat, 25. 1. 4; 2. 3; 3. 3, etc.). Some of the Adityas, how-
ever, succeed b}- a separate rite, as " the path, the way of the gods "
is the so-called "path of Aryaman," described in 25. 12. 2—3, by
which inya//ani) he got to heaven and now shines in the sky as
" the reddest," aruuataina (S. " he appears in the sky in the morn-
ing as the reddest"). Preceding this rite are the rites of Mitra-
Varuna. and Indra-Agni, whereb}^ they got to heaven, making three
Sarasvati sattras as opposed to one DrsadvatI sattra (session).

It may be as well to devote at this point a few words to the
Adityas alone, since the mythology of this group is from the
beginning very unclear. They have to do with healing ; also with
cattle, because cattle are grouped in sevens. If cattle are taken
by force, an offering is made to the (forceful) god Indra ; if they
go blind, an offering is made to the sun as chief Aditya and god
of light. 21. 14. 15 and 18. The sun cures leprosy, since he is the
"pure'' one, 15. 5. 9: 23. 16. 8-10 (cf. 2. 17. 3). In 16. 13. 3, the
sun is ■• vital breath " ; he who is sick is sick in breath and they cure
him with the threefold stoma, which is breath (homoeopathy). The
village animals and the Adit3'as are each seven, and so the Adityas
are cattle, 23. 15. 2-6. But they are also all creatures, or rather
all creatures born of Prajapati are Adityas, 13. 9. 5 = 18. 8. 13; TB.
1. 8. 8. 1. The night-rites often have to do with the Adityas. "By
means of the rite of the thirty-six nights the gods established the
Adityas, and this rite is especially for those who wish for cattle,
while those who practise it win the Adit3'a-world,"' 24. 5. 2, since
" he who gets a multitude of cattle gets therewith independent
sovereignty" fcharacteristic of Adityas. especially of Indra), ib. 3.
The x\dit}as, as already implied, are represented as " thriving b}-
pairs,'' as in one of the fort3f-nine - night rites it is said dvauidvain
ardhnuvan ("the3' throve b3^ pairs"), and so "the bliss of those
practising such a rite is, as it were, doubled," ra;;?(? ^vai ''saiii srJh,
24. 12. 3—4. The pairs are Mitra-Varuna, Dhatar and Aryaman,
Ansa and Bhaga, Indra and Vivasvat, and those who worship them

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XV. 5 July. 1909.

66 E. W. Hopkins,

thus get the prosperity of these divinities. They were originally
(these; eight, but a verse (RV. 10. 72. 8) says that their mother
Aditi threw away the sun (the eighth). The commentator says that
only the principal Adityas are meant, as it is well known that they
are twelve in number (S. at 24. 12. 4). And elsewhere the text
has this same statement. For the number of gods is reckoned as
thirty-three, with Prajapati as the thirty-fourth, 10. 1. 16; 12. 13.
24 ; 22. 7. 4-5 ; 24. 4. 3 ; or as thirty-three without including Prajapati,
13. 12. 16; cf. 24. 1. 9-13, with a misquotation of RV. 8. 28. 1.
Prajapati is the thirty-fourth as when a horse is added to thirty-
three cows as a fee, 17. 11. 4. hi this regard, the Great Brahmana
lias a very remarkable statement, as compared with other ancient
texts. In SB. 4. 5. 7. 2, for example, it is said that there are eight
Vasus, eleven Rudras, twelve Adit3^as, and heaven and earth, and
as thirty-fourth, Prajapati. Li the same work, 11. 6. 3. 5, Indra and
Prajapati make the thirty-second and thirty-third. In TS. 3. 4. 9. 7,
(after identifying phases of the moon with metres and the Vasatkara
with Dhatar, and Dhatar again with the moon) the author says,
" The Vasvis are eight (the Gayatrl metre has eight syllables) ; the
Rudras are eleven (the Tristubh has eleven S3'llables) ; the Adityas
are twelve (the JagatI has twelve syllables) • the Anv;stubh (having
thirty-two syllables represents) Prajapati (as the thirty-second god) ;
the Vasatkara ('represents) Dhatar. So all the metres are objects
of devotion (as Devikas), and the Vasatkara is all the divinities
(Devatas). " In this passage the ceremonial call, vasat, is evidently
reckoned as a thirty-third god, representative of Dhatar, who is
elsewhere ranged among the thirtj'-three gods. Now according
to the PB., although there is a formal admission that the gods do
not vary in number, yet they not only have god-children (progeny)
like men, ^ but even include as the thirty -third the Vasatkara, so
that the identification of TS. (above) has led to the actual sub-
stitution of this representative : " Three and thirty verily are the
divinities, eight Vasus, eleven Rudras, twelve Adityas, and Prajapati
and Vasatkara, the thirty-second and third, " 6. 2. 5. 2

^ " There are just as niany gods now as (when the Father-god created
tliem) in tlie beginning,"' 6. 11. 16. On the other hand, '■ the gods were
increased, prcyciyanfa, in progeny and in cattle," 22. 14. 5. But '• cattle
are not propagated in heaven," 20. 16. 7.

- The same inclusion is Puranic. It is as if Amen should represent
a divinity and then become the divinity. In 8. 1. 2, Vasatkara is (Indra's
bolt) a " god-arrow,"' an expression used in MS. 1. 4. 13. of oblations. In

Gods and Saints of the Great BtaJiuiaua. 67

The Angirasas are also linked with the Gandharvas and Apsarasas
in one extremely moral tale. The Gandharvas (equivalent to gods,
20. 15. 2) are alluded to several times, but the Brah. does not con-
tain much that is of importance about them. Together with the
Apsarasas the}- control the abilit}' " and unabilit}' " to procreate,
prajayci va aprajastaya ve 'sate, and when sated and pleased at the
Aupasada ceremony' they bestow progeny upon the sacrificer, 19.
3. 2. The Gandharva is addressed by the chaunter in 1. 3. 10 with
the words namo gandharvaya visvagvadine, varcodha asi, varco inayi
dhehi. As the sun or moon he gives lustre ; but visvagvadin seems
to refer to him as a universal musician (cf. Svana, " sound," as a
Gandharva, VS. 4. 27, and the " chaunting sun," Ch. Up. 1. 3. 1).
In 1. 4. 2, 7, Anghari, Krsanu, and Bambhari are mentioned.
Visvavasu has already been referred to. He is the chief (VS. 2. 3 ;
but not included among the seven, ib. 4. 27). The number of these
beings is twenty-seven (VS. 9. 1 ) like that of the Xaksatras, or
asterisms, which in PB. 23. 23. 2—3 are supposed to hold rites. Of
these one at least, Hasta, is both a Naksatra and a Gandharva.
The three gJianna divinities who (amorously) pursue Dawn are
called Gandharvas, Agni, Vayu, and Aditya, 20. 15. 3. Compare
JUB. 3. 15. 7, and TS. 1. 5. 10. 2, where Agni is " the best Gan-
dharva " ; 1. 7. 7. 2, twenty-seven; 3. 4. 7. 1—3, Agni, as Gandharva,
with plants as Apsarasas; Surya, as Gandharva, with rays as Ap-
sarasas ; the moon, as Gandharva, with the Naksatras ^ as Apsarasas
(called musical, bekiiri, as in PB. 1. 3. 1 of Vac, etc.), a list that
even includes Prajapati, Paramesthin, Death, and " sweet longing
Love " as Gandharvas.

The moral tale uniting these worthies with the Angirasas is as
follows (12. 11. 10): "The Angirasas verily held a sacrificial session
and thereby their heavenly world was gained and won, but they did
not know the path (to heaven), the way of the gods. One of them,
the Angirasa Kalyana, went up (out of the house) to study, and

tlie Great Epic, the Adityas are Dhatar and Aryaman, Mitra and Va-
runa, Ansa and Bhaga, Indra and Vivasvat, Pusan and Tvastar, Parjanya
and Visnu, 1. 123. 60. Tlie pairs are natural wliere the trwelve months
also are paired, e. g. dvam dvam rtavali^ TS. 5. 4. 2. 1. The same epi<-
passage gives twenty-seven Gandharvas and twenty-eight Apsarasas who
dance, with eleven who sing (five more separately mentioned in 1. 65. 49).
The Gandliarvas of the epic are distinct from the gods, ib. 9. 42. 40.

1 This is the view of SB. 9. 4. 1. 9, where Gandharva is the moon and
the Apsarasas are Naksatras (stars).

68 E. IV. Hopkins,

came upon Urnayu, a Gandharva, swinging himself ^ in the midst of
Apsarasas. Whenever this (Gandharva) indicated any one of the
Apsarasas, saying " I would come to (her)," she desired him. He
said to this (Kalyaiia), " O Kalyana, verily your heavenly world is
gained and won ; but 30U do not know the path, the way of the
gods. Here is a Saman conducive to heaven. By praising with it
you will (all) get to heaven. But do not thou sa}', " I (Kalyana)
have discovered it." Kalyana returned and said, " Verily our heav-
enly world is gained and won ; but we do not know the path, the
way of the gods. Here is a Saman conducive to heaven. By prais-
ing with it we shall get to heaven," They said. " Who told you?"
" Even I myself have discovei'ed it," said he." Praising with this
(Saman) the}^ came to heaven ; but Kalyana was left behind, for he
spoke a lie. The leper here on earth is he." This finale means
that the white leper, svi'tra, is the reincarnated Kalyana, i. e. this
sage being left behind for his sin of lying becomes incorporate as
a leper. In AB. 6. 33. 5, one who " murders speech " is cursed to
be " weak," but it is doubtful whether a/asa is " leper " (Haug), and
the murderer of speech is there not a liar but one who prevents
another from uttering the holy words he is trying to sa}'. Owing
to his sin the Saman is not named for Kalyana, but bears the name
Aurnay ava. 2

Unimportant Augirasas, who only " saw heaven " or " got a thou-
sand cattle," are Davasu and Karnasravas, same tale of each, 13. 11.
14; 15. 5. 14; Snusti, 13. 11. 22; Suhavi, 14. 5. 26; .Sammat, 15.5.
11. The seer called Go "escaped all ill," 16. 7. 7; V3'a.sva, 14.
10. 9, saw heaven, as did Babhru Kaumbhya (gotra name), 15.
3. 13, 26. Pasthavat, an Ailgirasa, had the remarkable experience
of hearing the fourth da}- of a rite speaking Con the third day)
and invoking with " Ho ! the voice," in the form {ha-u-vfi, /lo-vd,
leaving off ^- of vagi), 12. 5. 11. In 25. 14. 5, Tura, devanmrii,
deserves notice for his epithet. Krun, 13. 9. 11 ; 11. 20, is probably
invented for the occasion {Krauncd). The " horse " names (of the

^ Rather a sign of dalliance than of greatness, though in 5. 5. 10 it is
said that " when greatness comes to people then they mount swings,"
(of. Kath. 34. 5), of the hotars ascent to the swing {yada vai prajd maha
avisati prcnkhCms tarhy drohanti). S. understands that K. went " up "
(into the air), but udavrajat is " went out " (to studj^).

- Urnayu (the " woolly one ") reappears again in the epic, 1. 123. 55 f.
This is an epithet of " Varuiia's nabhi" in VS. 13. 50. In the Ramaj^ana
the daughter of Urnayu is Somadii. PW. and pw. erroneous^ give
Kalyjina for this place as the name of a Gandharva.

Gods and Saints of the Great Bnihinana. 69

West? cf. Sindhuksit, above) include the Vedic Vadhryasva, called
Anupa, 13. 3. 17. In IS. 1. 82, " Baudhayana " should be Bhauvayana
(above, p. 55) and the name " Ekayava Gaihdama |Kariidama in
TB. 2. 7. 11. 2] Vetasvati " should omit the Vefasvatl {'stva place
locative, 21. 14. 20). It may be added that the inventors of
Samans include such worthies as Manu, whose word is curative,
23. 16. 7 (cf. TS. 2. 2. 10. 2; 4. 5. 10. 2) and whose verses are
the kindling-verses, il). 6. He discovered the Manava Saman
and thereby "got progeny and greatness," 13. 3. 15. Also the
Atharvans " saw the immortal world '' through the Atharvana Sa-
man (8. 2. 6; cf. 12.9. 10; 16. 10. 10, bhesajam). Among the later
authorities are cited the Bhallavis, whose '• repetitive recitation "
iparivartinJ vishdi) has ensured their perpetual prosperit}', Bhallav-
ayah . . pratigrhnantah parJvartau na cyavante, 2. 2. 4 (a sect namej.
Each Saman, it may be added, gives to the present praiser the same
power with which it endowed the inventor (seer). This is usually
expressed by saying that it is fnow) a wish-fultiller, or that one
(now) using it gets the same reward as of old. Only once does
the seer especially provide that others shall profit by his discover} .
Astadanstra, the son of Virupa, grew old without a son, without
progeny. He thought he had rent these worlds {iinaii lokan vicicli-
idivan anianyata^ i. e. had almost ])ierced them and gone to heaven).
In his old age he saw the two Samans (called by his name). He
feared he could not employ them (properly), and said " He shall
prosper who lauds for me with these vSamans," 8. 9. 21 (uses the
Samans with the discoverer's name attached).

Yale University. E. Washijurn Hopkins.

COMMUNICATIONS
FROM SPANISH CANCIONEROS

H. R. LANG

in. — Communications from Spanish Cancioneros.

The Works of Juan de Valtierra.

The poems of Juan de Valtierra are preserved, with one exception
so far as now known, i exclusively in the cancionero of the Royal
Library at Madrid which bears the mark 2— F— 5 (antiguo vii— A— 3),
but which will here be termed X^ in order to distinguish it from
a number of other manuscripts bearing the same signature 2— F^S.^
hi the index of the contents of this collection offered in the Can-
cionero de Baena (O), p. Ixxxvi, and copied in Ticknor-Julius ii 526,
ten compositions are assigned to Valtierra, while Amador de los
Rios (Historia 6, 464, note 2) credits him with only eight, two in
Castilian and six in Catalan. More accurate, as might be expected,
is the information furnished by Mild y Fontanals (Obras completas,
3, 193, note): Valtierra, del qual en un cansoner castella hi ha nou
obras anomenadas canciones y dezires, sis d'ellas en catala, una ab
lo titol de " Via fora sacramental," y altre ab lo de " la confessio."
Though pointed out by these Spanish critics, the Catalan texts of
our cancionero are not mentioned by J. Masso Torrents in his
xManuscritos catalanes de la Bibhoteca de S. M. (1888).'^ In the
partial edition of Xi by Perez Gomez Nieva (hereafter referred to
by Nieva),* the uncritical character of which need not occupy us
here,'' the poems in Catalan are not included, though the existence
of those by Valtierra is referred to (p. 293) in a foot-note to the
three other songs of this writer, hi view, therefore, of the fact
that the Catalan compositions of Valtierra are still practically un-

^ This is the Catalan poem found in the Cancionero de Zaragoza
(hereafter designated CZ) fol. 116, and printed on p. 68 of the edition
by Baselga y Ramirez (Zaragoza 1896).

- Regarding the designation X% first adopted by Mussafia, Per la
bibliogralia dei Cancioneros spagnuoli, see my Cancionero Gallego-Caste-
lliano p. 276, and Revue Hispaniqne 16, 296 ff.

* Cf. the Nota adicional p. 33.

■* Coleccion de poesias de un Cancionero inedito del sigio xv etc.
Madrid 1884.

^ See the review of this publication by Morel-Fatio in Revue Critique
1885, p. 491.

74 H. R. Laug,

known, ^ and that those in Castihan are printed in Nieva m a most
defective manner, I have thoug^ht it fitting to present here a first
edition of them, 2 based npon a copy made by me last summer, not
so much because of any superior assthetical merit they can claim
over much of the contemporary verse, but because, like the very
collection itself in which they have come down to us, they bear
testimony to that unity of literary interests of the three nations of
the Spanish Peninsula in the fifteenth century which resulted in
the formation of a new and truly national lyric style. ^ This aspect
of Valtierra's art will gain in point if we consider that one of his
songs appears to ha\'e been composed in the Galician idiom. *

Very little is known of Juan de Valtierra further than that he
was a native of Navarre, and a squire by profession, who lived in
the first half of the fifteenth century. ^ In 1425 we .find him as
one of the witnesses to the compact between Castile and Aragon,
by virtue of which the Infante D. Enrique was set free by his
brother D. Juan, King of Navarre. ^

In addition to the verse of Valtierra, I shall publish here a hith-
erto unnoticed Catalan composition by Pedro de Santa Fe, — the
only other Catalan text contained in our cancionero — which shows
that this Aragonese poet, represented in the same manuscript by
thirty-six compositions in Castilian and two in Galician,'' also attuned
three languages to his lyre.

' I have unfortunately not been able to consult the Biblioteca del
•• Ateneo Barcelones." Cataleg dels mannscrits format per J. Masso
Torrents 1902.

- I have omitted one canrioi:. consisting of an estribillo and one stanza,
wliicli in our ms. stands on fol. 69 v<>, immediately after no. vi of this
article, but which in the CZ. fol. 108 v. (p. 56—7) and the Can^oner
d'Amor of the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris (No. 595, fol. 94 v®), where
it has five stanzas, is more correctly assigned to Luis de Vilarasa. Cf.
Mila y Fontanals, Obras 3, p. 175. — A comparison of our text with that
of the CZ. shows the following variations : 2 que omitted— Yo^ que leal a.
;-3 digan — quants me nomeraran 4 Hequiscat 6 non — viura y ma mort
8 dons — pus 1. m. 9 que r. non d. puys — amant 10 huylls 11 prop que per
mi dir poran. * Cf. Cane. G-all.-Castelli. p. xvi.

* See below the note to no. ii of this article.

5 See Amador de los Eios, Historia 6, p. 474; Mila, Obras 3. 193.—
The only personage bj^ the name of Valtierra mentioned in Latassa.
Biblioteca de escritores aragoneses (Zaragoza 1884—6) is Bishop Juan
de Valtierra. who died in 1433.

" Zurita, Anales de Aragon, vol. iii. ano 1425, c. 38.

^ See Cane. Gall.-Castelh. nos. Ixii and Ixiii.

fol. 67.

Couiinuuications fruiu Spanish Cancioucros. 75

Valtierra.
I.

Duenya, pobre de merce
por qual racon quieres matar
a mi que siervo sin cansar?
Pues no te fie lo porque,
dame racon que no la-y se.

Si dices que tu boluntat
no es dispuesta a satisfer
a mi deseo e querer
porque muestres amistad,
Senyora, jurote en mi ffe
que, sino me quies contentar,
que me faras desesperar.
Pues no te fige lo porque,
dame ragon que no la-y se.

Creces me estrema dolor
con que me quiero ya morir,
cuando te oyo siempre dir
que me amas de fino amor.
A triste, no me quexare
que mi bien me quieres vedar,
piensa que me fazes penar.
Pues no te fige lo porqvxe,
dame racon que no la-}' se.

Si demando sinragon,
tu seas iuge et parte,
mienlDreste que amor sin arte
siempre quiere gualardon.
Si me lo das, loart' e.
Aquel que suelgo demandar
ffaz, que me pueda millorar.
Pues no te fige lo porque,
dame racon qvie no la-y se.

4, 14 layse

76 H. R. Lang,

II.

fol. 67 v". Otra.

Amor, mi triste partida
me fag con dolor bebir,
sento e veo que morir
34 me conviene, pues es partida

la que tenya mi vida.
E pues ella asi fenege,
llamar pues pertenece :
38 Dciis jueus, qiiare me dcrdinquistil

Pues perdi por mi fortuna

la que ventura me dio,

grito et llamo : Ouien so yo,
42 que mi dolor no es una ?

Por amar a sola una

passo mal sin merecer,

por honde posso dicer :
46 Infixiis sum in limbo de profundis.

Ya del todo so guiado

a perdicion muy cruel,

como el pueblo de Israel
50 que de ley es apartado.

pues servir sin haber grado

alia por qui so en pena,

dize '1 alma que es en pena;
54 /;/ infierno milla est rcdencio.

Ffinida.
Mas bella que Pollixena.
me fae ser desterrado,
ara del todo apartado
58 de svi vista por axena.

III.

fol. 162 v«. Otra.

Enojados de tristura
62 venit que yo vos dare plazer,

33 sente. 47 sunt— frofundis. Sunt is also the reading of J/s. 3763

0/ the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid. 47 jucado : ms. 37(33 (= vol. 8)

of the B. Nacional : guiado. Read : juzgado ? 52 Read : haya ? 53 en poder.

Coiummiicatioiis from Spainsh Cancioneros. 77

ffervos e mirar e beer
62 una linda creatura.

De mu}" nuel>a alegria

alegra a los que la veen ;

en ve3'endo, luego creen
66 que merece senyoria.

Mirando su hermosura,

creceles seso, saber,

con que puedan conoger
70 todo el bien que en ella atura.

Que gracia e [que] valor

muestra su gesto donoso !

El mirar mviy agradoso
74 lleno de mucho amor.

Muchos cabos si atura

quieren la obedecer.

quien se poria tener
7? que fallase tal bentura ?

Reyna es de las mejores,
3' del mundo mas amada,
donosa, muy asesada,
82 quita de bancs amores.

Dios d'amor. d'otra no cura !

Fin.

Bien lo muestra su poder,
pues la faze florecer
86 sobre todas, sin mesura.

fol. 68.

Dezii:
IV.

Pau sia ab vos e ab tot lo restant,
car ia no puch passar mes ab spera,
perdent mon temjis de que ia desespera
ma voluntat quius soli' amar tant.
e pus no veig que vaia millorant
lo temps per mi, es raho que-m retraga

84 sin p. 90 mia v.

H. R. Lang,

de vos amar, e tinara mon plant.
Servir amor pigor mal es que plaga.

Amor, no-m pens que-m vai' ambara9ant
per vos servir ne fer lo que solia
car yous conech e veig qu'es grant folia
ffer res per vos si matex turmentant,
ab altri-m pens farets lo joch volant.

Mes am partir que restar congoxant,
car lo pensar fa mudar mas semblan^a
qui-m ve per vos de que pert I'asperan^a
de nunqua aver co don suy desirant,
e aia prou mon fet anat rodant,
quel cap me dol con pens curar la plaga,
que lonch temps he desijada esperant.
Servir amor pigior mal es qvie plaga.

De uos me part, amor, no resturant
cun grant engan jus vostre nom s'amaga ;
hoian mon dit los quius van encalcant :
Servir amor pigior mal es que plaga.

Dezir.

fol. 68 vo. V.

Via fora sagramental !

que robat m'an en lo cami,
114 11a sus al pla de sot un pi,

lo cor sens pus que no-y mir mal.

Haguessen me almen3's portat
11a hon es pres mon trist de cor

118 e yo callara que robat

non jutgara per ma honor ;
ara, catiu, pux dir qu' aytal
som com I'aucell quj cap no te,

122 per que-'b sospir yo cridare :

Via fora sagramental !

O mur gentil desta ciutat !
Vullau m'ayudar per cortesia,

after I. {(9 three lines seem to be tacking.

CovDuitiiicatioiis from Spain's// Caiicioncros. 79

car dins vos es qui m' a format
lo cor sortir sens companya ;
e si nou feu viure non cal
destoravan si ja merye
ella nom ha, de cert morre,
\'ia fora [sagramental] !

Moltes merces, en pi donos !
car hombra bona m'aueu fet,
y al mur molt mes sin fa defet,
e cent mil tants, senyor, a uos !

VI.

fol. 69. Lo Confessio.

Lo pecador.
O domine, per vostra fe,
hoiau me tost de confesio,
'^^ pus frare sou de religio,

ar' ascoltau !

Lo pecador.
Yo am sens pus una de cor
dots anys ha ia,
'■'^ e sentiment de ma dolor

ella no ha.

Veiau, sius plau, mon fet com va,
e dau mi prest qualque consell,
^'^^ e davi lo-m tal que-m haiut dell,

si a vos plau.

Lo pecador.
Veiau, mon fill, 3-0 queus dire,
vos siau cert,
^=° que Tom que tal dolor soste

James no-s pert
qu'axin reconta Sent Lembert.
Mes yous dire vos que fareu,
154 y aureu remey, 3-0 fiu de deu,

ab queu fayau.

126 for^ar 139 arastoltau 146 lo me— liaint After line 147 we must
read confesor in place (y^pecador. The Confessor following again after line 155,
7i<e must assume the loss of one stanza belonging to the sinner. 151 jamy

80 H. R. Lang,

Lo confesor.
Com vos veiau que-y haia,
, digau lo-y clar,
158 e si vos veu quen prem per ioch,

deueu jurar;

que gertament vos fa penar
e que a'amoi- vos fa sentir
162 taut fort dolor queus fa morir,

axi cuytau.

Toraada.
[Lo pecador.]
Moltes merces, en fra manor,
pel bon consell que-m haueu dat,
166 eus iur que tost sera provat.

A deu siau.

VII.

fol. 69 v^. Canfion.

Qui-n pert son temps en ben amar,
en part hon son servir val poch,
170 d'aquest tan descominal ioch,

si dan li-n ve, nous deu clamar,
puys el mateix lo-s va ^erquar.

O qui deu plany[e]r ma dolor,
,74 ni dol res un punt de mon mal !

Morir vuU en un pobre ostal,

nengu no oia ma clamor.

Dexau, dexau, dexau m'estar,
178 car be-m tinch per vil et badoch ;

ma vida ja non preu un coch,

mon remey es desesperar,

pus res no pot aconortar.

VIII.
fol. 70. Dezir.

182 Ja no puch cobrir, trist de mi,

lo grant turment que-m fa passar

171 nous 172 los va 7vritten in late}- hand\ cerquat 173 den

170 Oga V. — pren u. c. 183 quen f. p.

Cuunuuuicatious from Spanish Cancioneros. 81

cella que-m ha de fi en fi,

car son voler he vist mudar,
i36 sens molt tardar

de ella amar

a mi del tot, per que doblar

me fa I'esmay
,90 de plor et glay,

tant que en als no pucli pensar.

Alguns diran per que no xant

segons solia ab bon conort ;
jg^ mas com pore destorauant.

pus tan cruel es la mia sort

que sens conort

liurat a mort
jgg m'a volgut cella que vull pus fort

qu'a mi mateix?

Per que feneix

tot mon ris, xantar et deport.

202 Destresa, forca ni saber,

lias mesqui, ia non val.

car sent catiu lo meu voler

en iloch cruel et desegual.
206 Veus mon cabal

con es egual

per ben amar e ser leal !

Que val cridar
210 ne sospirar,

car en breu esper mort final?

fol. 70. De rich son tornat pubil

pus he perdut mon sentiment,
214 per que morir gens non dol

la mort no tinch en vil,

sino con muyr tan desto

trist e dolent
218 ab tal turment

184 quen han 194 pere-. It is not quite clear whether the textual

reading is destorauant {cf. 129) or destarauant. 195 Read ma for the

tonic mia ? 198 volguiit 203 T%vo syllables ivanting 214 and

215 form one line.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XV. 6 July, 1909.

82 H. R. Lang,

sens culpa qu'en mi, lias, no sent,
o mal fadat,
mala fim
222 puys

IX.

fol. 70 v". Cangion.

Res en lo mon non ame tant
com fas a uos qui sou mon ve,
donchs sia de vuestra merce
226 que no-m fassau anar rodant.

L'enuig, la pena e dolor
me tolen for^a e poder,
James pore plaser haver

230 ffins que de uos aia favor,

e no vullau vaia penant,
car tot so vostre et sere ;
donchs sia de vostra mer^e

=34 que no-m fassau anar rodant.

Tornada.
A uos, a uos que del restant
sou la millor de quantas se,
donchs sia de vostra merge
238 que no-m fassau anar rodant.

Que no-m fassau anar rodant,
a uos, a vios que del restant
[sou] la mellor de quantas se.

X.

fol. 169 v<>. Santa Fe.

242 No siau tal pux conoxeu

que so mes vostre que no men.

Dolor del cor me feu sentir
quan vine de uos al departir,

234 son m. v 235 lo m. No. X. Sea ffe, written to the right near

the top of the page, and followed by a ligature which I do not understand and
the reproduction of ivhich is not practicable here.

Coiiuunnicatious from Spanish Caiicioiicros. 83

2^6 veiz que uos plau lo meu servir

ad altra part que be no voleu.

Ay senyora, si duptau
per que millor me conezau,
;;o manau me 90 qvie a uos plau,

car servidor me trobareu.

Notes.

I. 3 sicrvo for sirvo is found in other Spanish texts, e. g. Berceo,
Missa 283 ; Fuero Juzgo 85, 87.

4 fic and 13, 22, 29 ficc are both current in Aragonese and
Navarrese documents. Cf. Hanssen, Conjug. Arag. 1896, p. 19, and
Menendez Pidal, Manual (2 d ed.) 107, 4 b.

6 voluntat frequent in the sense of corazon. Cf. e. g. in our text
the Catalan instances 1. 89 and 185, 204 (yolcr). Conversely, corazon
means •'will," "desire," as e. g. in Old Portuguese, for which see
Denis, p. 120 and s. v. coracom.

25 iuge for juez is one of the numerous French loan-words
occurring in Navarrese.

28 loarfc = loar-te-he. cf. 61 jfcrvos c.

29 Suelgo from soler is met with elsewhere in Old Spanish, as
in Libro de Alixandre (ed. Morel-Fatio), c. 380, b.

30 uiillorar. Forms with // for Castilian j are regular in Navarre,
Aragon, and Catalonia. See fill in 1. 148 and millor in 1. 236 of
our text.

Rhyme-order : abbaa ; cddcabb AA, with the two last lines
of the estribillo repeated as refrain. The same form occurs in M,
p. 258-9, but neither elsewhere in Nieva, nor in O.

II. 46 In view of the forms posso dicer, which are not used in
Navarre and Aragon, so far as I know, one may be inclined to
agree with Mrs. Vasconcellos (Zeitschrift fiir roman. Philol. 28, 213)
in considering this poem as originally composed in Galician, and
consequently entitled to a place in my Cancioneiro Gallego- Caste Ihano.,
an opinion which is supported by sento for siento in 1. 33 and the form
convienc in 1. 34 which disturbs the metre. Unfortunately, the very
unsatisfactory condition of the text, due no doubt largely to the igno-
rance of the copyist, but to some extent probably also to the author's

246 nos p. 247 que n. v. be.

84 H. R. Lang,

imperfect command of the Western dialect, does not admit of a resto-
ration of the supposed Galician original sufficient^ correct to warrant
more than a conjecture. This may be seen from the following
attempt to divest the poem of its Castihan disguise :

Amor, ma triste partida

me faz con dolor viver,

sento e vejo que morrer

me conven, pois e partida

a que tiinna ma vida.

E pois ella assi fenece

chamar pois [me] pertenece :

Dens mens, qiiarc me dcrcliuquisti'^

Pois perdi por ma fortuna
a que ventura me deu,
grito e chamo : Quen son eu.
que ma dolor non e via ?
Por amar a sola iia,
passo mal sen merecer,
por onde posso dizer:
Infixus Slim in Umbo dc profitudis.

Ja de todo so guiado
a perdigon mui cruel,
como o povo de Israel
que da ley e apartado.
Pois servir sen aver grado
aja por quen son en pena,
diz a alma que e en pena :
In infierno nulla est trdencio.

Fiida.
Mais bella que Pollixena
me fae seer desterrado,
ara de todo apartado
de sa vista por alhea.

As for dicer, it occvirs in the Libro de Alexandre, c. 765,
rhyming with aduzer; but the ms. 488 (ed. Morel-Fatio) has in the
corresponding stanza 792 dezir.

52 qui for quien is current in documents of Aragon and Navarre.

53 The repetition of pena adopted here in place of the textual
poder which satisfies neither rhyme nor sense, is justified by the

1

Coniiiiuiiicatioiis from Spanish Cancioncros. 85

occurrence of similar rims cqitivocs in 11. 31, 34 and 39, 42, though
the position is irregular in the third stanza.

56 fae for faz is met with in other Old-Spanish texts, as e. g.
J. Ruiz 1466 both as 3^ p. sing. pres. and as 2^1 p. imperative;
also in Portuguese, as CGC, 462. Cf. Bausteine zur rom. Philol.
p. 45.

57 ara, Catalan adverb. See e. g. jNIila y Fontanals, Obras III,
p. 542, and 139 of our text.

For the use of Latin scriptural quotations in secular lyrics see
CGC. p. 169 the note to line 194 where the Latin quotation from
St. Matthew 27, 46 is given in the original Hebrew version. Mrs.
Vasconcellos (Zeitschrift 28, p. 213, 230-231 and Grundriss II, 2. p.
240) appears to be of the opinion that Macias (CGC. no. vii) set
the example for closing each stanza with a Latin quotation and
that Valtierra directly imitated the Galician singer. But this com-
mon manner is much older than Macias, as may be seen, e. g., in
Du Meril, Poesies populaires latines anterieures au 12™® siecle,
p. 100—1, 170 ff.; 186. — Other instances may be found in Nieva
p. 125-7; 167-9; CZ. p. 19-21, 56, 295-303.

Rhyme-order : al^brlaccD ; caac. This form is not found else-
where, either in Nieva, in M f— Cancionero de Stviniga) or in O.

III. 77 poria, Catalan form for podrta.

Rhyme-order : abba ; cddcabba ; bba ; rims singulars, as in the
two preceding pieces. The third stanza is incomplete, lacking abb.
Without a fin, we lind this very common form Nieva p. 29 ; M,
p. 261 ; O, no. 43 (= CGC. xlii) ; Xi, fol. 61 vo. (= CGC. Ix).

In the majority of cases contained in Nieva and M, the last two
lines of each stanza are identical with those of the estribillo.

IV. A complaint and dismissal of Amor in the manner of a
comiat. The same subject is treated Canconer d'Amor fol. 182
(Ochoa, Catalogo p. 314-5; in O, no. 331 (= 533); 147 (= CGC. li) ;
M, p. 332, 374, 385. For Provencal and Old Portuguese instances
see Denis p. xlviii ff.

Rhyme-order : al^baacaC ; acaC. Three coblas unissonans in iaml:)ic
decasyllabics with a refrain of one line.

V. 115 que no-y mir mal, without my deserving it (?) Cf. mal
merir in Mila y Fontanals, Obras iii, p. 402.

145 For expressions like cent mil tants see my notes in CGC.
p. 217 and Zeitschrift fiir roman. Philol. 32, 388, and the literature
on this subject there cited.

Rhyme-order : abba ; cdcdaeeA ; fggf. Two coblas unissonans in
iambic octosyllables.

86 H. R. Lang,

VI. Debate between a friar and his confessor.

Rh3MTie-order : abbe ; dedeeffc ; ghhc. A cancion of three coblas
with rims singulars, in iambic octosyllables with biocs of four-
syllables.

The same theme is treated by Mossen Rodrigo Diez in CZ. p. 212 :

Qui pert son temps es be horat
e pie de molta grosaria.
ago dich per lanemorat
qui desamat ama saymia.

Rhyme-order : abbaa ; cddcal3baa. Espar^a in iambic octosyllables.
The same rhyme-order Nieva p. 30-31 ; 287-8 ; M p. 258-9, with
the exception that in these cases the last two lines of each stanza
are identical with those of the estribillo.

VIII. Love-poem in the mood of a descort.

206 For the sense of nion cabal see Mila y Fontanals, Obras III,
348, 355 ; CZ. p. 70 : Merexedor de gran mal, Cuydau tenir gran
caball Per saguir los fets damor; ibid. p. 212: Perdent tot iorn son
bon cabal Horat es lom qui viu turbat.

Rhyme-order : ababbbbccb. Four stanzas, with rims singulars, in
six iambic octosyllables and four biocs of four syllables.

The text of the fourth stanza I am unable to restore.

IX. Love-song of one stanza in iambic octosyllables, the last
three lines of the tornada being identical with the first, second
and fourth line of the first part.

Rhyme-order : abba ; cddcabBA ; abBAAAB.

X. Love-song of two stanzas in iambic octosyllables.
Rhyme-order : aa ; bbba. As is well known, this is one of the

oldest forms of the caiitiga or cancion we have in the Peninsula.
Santa Fe uses it repeatedly in his Castilian verse, e. g. Nieva
p. 209-210 and 210-211. Cf. also ibid. p. 96-98 and 227; M,
p. 355, 372 and 385. In O it occurs nine times, nos. 2, 51, 141,
196, 203, 219, 251 b (= CGC. ii), 315 (= CGC. xiii) and 500, being
designated desfecJia or estribotc in all but two cases (251 b and 500).
Cf. the form aa; bbbAA, which is the prevailing one in the great
variety of schemes emplo3'ed b}' Alphonse X in his Cantigas de
Santa Maria.

Communicatio-ns from SpanisJi Cancioucros. 87

II.

The Cancionero de la Colombina at Seville.
During a brief stay at Seville a few years ago I availed m3'self
of the opportunity to see what, if any, manuscript collections of
the medieval Lyric of Spain existed in the Librar}- of the Cathedral
Chapter of that city, in which, as is well known, the invaluable
treasure of codices and printed books gathered by Ferdinand Co-
lumbus has been deposited since 1550. Only one manuscript
was found to contain a collection of courtly verse of the loth
centur}'. This is the one bearing the signature E— AA. 144. 18,
and quoted in the somewhat elementar}' catalogue of manuscripts
under the title : Poetas varios antigtios)- This cancionero has Iseen
frequently referred to by the editors of the works of Gomez Man-
rique and Montoro,^ as well as by other writers,^ on the basis of
an imperfect 18th century cop}- of it which exists in the Biblioteca
Nacional (no. 13042 = antiguo Dd 61), but has apparenth' not been
consulted by them.^ In view of the fact that neither the Madrid
copy nor the references of critics give a correct idea of the contents
of this collection, I thought it useful, at the time, to prepare as

^ The other three collections of verse, bearing- respective the sig-
natures 5. 3. 35 (antiguo 145. 10), 83. 3. (antiguo 141-5) and 7. 1. 19 (an-
tiguo 141—55) coniain poetr3' of the 16tli and 17th centui'ies. — As already
stated in my description of Ms. 4114 (antiguo M. 320) of tlie Biblioteca
Nacional at Madrid, shortly to appear in the Revue Hispanique, there
is no evidence of the existence of any other manuscript cancionero of
the 15th centmy in the Seville Library. Menendez y Pelaj^o quotes no
authority for his statement (Antologia 6, p. clvii— viii), that the original
of Ms. 3742 (antiguo 241) of the Biblioteca Nacional is still preserved in
the Colombina.

- Amador de los Rios, Historia de la liter.espafiola 6, 533 ; Vera e Isla,
Traduccion del Salmo l de David (1879) p. 113; Cotarelo y Mori, Cane,
de A. de Montoro, p. xxv, 37 and 205 ; Uliagon, Revista de Archivos 1900,
p. 392. Paz y Melia, Cane, de Gomez Manrique 1, p. xxxviii has the
following- to saj^ about our codex : " Tambien la Biblioteca Colombina
poseia xni codice con viuchas j)oesias de nuestro autor, que he podido con-
sultar por hallarse en la Biblioteca Nacional copia mandada sacar por el
Padi"e Burriel."' There are only two poems by Gomez Manrique in the
collection. — The composition by Juan Alvarez Gato handed do-w^n in our
manuscript (fol. 117 v".) has remained unknown to so recent an investi-
gator as Menendez y Pelayo (Antologia 6, p. xxxviii ff.) who also over-
looked the two contained in ms. 4114 of the BibHoteca Nacional. — See
also Mussafia, Per la bibliografia dei cancioneros spagnuoli, p. 2.

88 H. R. Lang,

complete a description of it as circumstances would permit. It is
this account which I give here in what follows :

The manuscript (29 x 20| 9m.) consists of 191 paper leave.s much
corroded by the action of the ink, and many of them with margins
mended and partly replaced. It is written in the so-called Ictra re-
donda or de juro of the latter half of the loth century, with the
exception of folio 117, which is in a different, later hand iletra
cortcsand). The first 30 folios are unnuml^ered. Then follow 161
numerated leaves, all utilized but one (fol. Ill v".), and including
the cancionero proper. This numeration, in Arabic figures of a
modern hand, and in red ink, corrects and supplies an older one
in Roman figures of the 15th century, partly lost in mending the
margins. The new numertition differs by ten folios from the old
one, the change beginning with fol. 55 which is corrected in the
index with red ink to 65. This difference is partly accounted for
by the insertion, immediately after the index, of an anonymous love-
song and two prose pieces not mentioned in the index and most
probably not belonging to the original form of the cancionero.
Here, then, we have an indication that the present compilation is
the result of one or more alterations of an older collection. A
similar indication lies in the fact that the index covers only the
contents of fol. 1—111 r"., not even including Gomez Manrique's
poem : Pues este negro morir, which begins in the middle of the
second column of fol. Ill r^. As Manrique's composition follows
without any break upon Juan de Mena's Canta tu, Cristiana musa,
and fol. Ill v**. is blank, one might suppose that the copyist had
simply overlooked the fact that a new poem began in the middle
of fol. Ill r'*. Considering, however, that Juan de Mena's Labcrinto,
occupying as it does over 40 folios, is also omitted in the index,
one must conclude that the index was left incomplete. That the
two pieces by Guevara and Montoro, and the one attributed to
Juan Alvarez Gato, so far unedited and apparently unknown, 1 are
later additions, is shown by the different hand in which they are
written.

While it is evident, as has already been said, that our cancionero
is the result of one or more alterations made on an older compi-
lation, we have no data from which to infer what the original form
was nor when it was changed. The two other collections (Biblio-
teca Nacional ms. 13042, and Brit. Mus. Egerton 939) which are"

^ It is neither included nor mentioned in Cotarelo y Mori's Cancionero
inedito de Juan Alvarez Gato (Madrid 1901).

Coinnitmications from Spanish Caiicioiicros. 89

more or less closely related to our cancioiiero,i are little more than
incomplete and defective copies of the 18th century, as may be
gathered from the comparative table of the three collections given
at the close of this article.

In the list of the contents which now follows, the text of the two
poems of Gomez Manrique and of Juan de Mena's ' Canta tu, Christi-
ana musa' is collated with the one found in the edition of Gomez
Manrique's works by Paz y Melia, that of Montoro's compositions
with the one contained in Cotarelo y Mori's edition. 2 It is hoped
that other students will thus be spared the trouble of examining the
Caucionero de la Coloinbina again. A similar collation would have
been made of the poem by Perez de Guzman and of Mena's Lab-
eriiito, if other manuscript or printed versions of these two com-
positions had been accessible to me at the time. Owing to the
defective condition of the manuscript, the preparation of a careful
copy w^ould have required more time than was available."^
30 folios, not numbered :
Tratado de San Agostin :
Libro.de la Vida Christiana.
[cf. Gallardo, Ensayo II, App. p. il.J

fol. 1. Aqui comen^an los proverbios del Marqvies de Santillana
glosados por el dr. Pero dias, e comenyan despues de los pro-
ambulos que amos fisieron por los capitulos siguientes.

De amor e temor a iiij

De prudencia e sabiduria ... a xvii

De justicia a xxv

De sobriedad a xxix

De castidat ha xxx

De fortaleca a xxxviii

de liberalidat e franquega . . . a xli

de verdat a xliii

de continencia cerca de cobdicia a xliiij

de enbidia a xlvii

de gratitut a xlviii

de ami9i9ia a xlix

^ Another ms. of the Biblioteca Nacional (M. 2, 249), dating from the
17tli century, is a copy of nos. 1, 10, 15 of Montoro's poems.

- No account has been taken of such orthographic substitutions as z
for /, gran for grand^ -aba for -aita^ which Cotarelo regularly permits him-
self to introduce.

* A photographic copy of the poem of Perez de Guzman will be pub-
lished at some later date.

90 H. R. Lang,

de paternal reuerencia .... a 1

de senetut a Hi

de la muerte a liii

Un tratado que fiso el tostado de como es nescesario a ome amar
E el que verdaderamente ama es nescesario que se turbe.

a Iv {corrected in red ink to = 65j
Un tratado de seneca de rremedios contra fortuna

a Ixiiij (= 73i

Una carta que enbio gomez manrrique a diego arias de avila

conf. ma3'or del rrey sobre que non le quiso librar los mrs. q tenia

en los libros del rrey. a Ixvii (= 75)

Vicios e Virtudes de frrnd peres de Guzman a Ixxi (= 80)

Coplas de anton de montoro a xc (= 96)

Ynuocacion catolica que fiso Juan de mena que comieng-a canta

tu xsti/na musa a xcix (= 105)

Tras esta foja esta escrita una epistola de sant bernaldo t|ue enbio

a Raimundoi sobre el rregimiento do la casa.

Y luego tras esto la ffe catolica.

fol. i V. — 2 r. Aues brutos y .saluajes,
todos arded a mi ruego ;
Tantos umanos linajes
4 non se escusan deste fuego,

y a quien non resiste muro
de saber nin discrecion,
non dexa adarue seguro,
8 nil contrasta fierro duro

en que non faga opris3'on.

Natural inclinacion

pienso cobdicia a la vida,
12 mas dionos a la Rason

por anpara y per guarida;

ella quanto mas escoje

virtud }• conformidad,
i6 tanto causa que despoje,

donde quiera que se acoje

bien querer a libertad.

Pues amar a vos, senora,
2o toda vertud lo rrequiere

Pues que soes merescedora

* rrey miiido

J

Couimuiiications from Spaiiisli Cancioncros. 91

del mejor que vos quisyere,
quiere rrason que vos quiera
24 quien vos conosce donsella,

ca a esto vos escogera
la virtud sy bien quisyera
aviendo de querer bella.

28 Pues sy discreta entendida

Syn punta de vana gloria

Vos fuerades escogida

para ganar esta gloria,
32 qvie quanto mas diligente

contenplo vuestra doctrina,.

tanto me fallo inciente

que non se que bienes cuente
36 Syn temor de disciplina.

Poner sylencio a mi mano

fallo por mayor remedio,

pues ningiind juysio umano
4° vos puede loar lo medio,

asy que yo temeroso

de oluidar vuestros loores

tengo descanso y rreposo
44 en pensar como non oso

nin osarian otros mayores.

Tanto vuestro como mio

pues rrason me manda ser,
48 yo vos do mi senorio,

vos dadme vuestro poder,

por que media la virtud

que junte nuestro deseo,
52 vuestra sea mi salud

y de vuestra joventud

gose el querer que poseo.

2 r^'. Epistola de sant Bernaldo la qual enbia a Ra}mundo ^ para
doctrina e regimiento de la casa.

Cane, de Burgos, p. cxxxvii ; I (Gallardo, Ensayo I. no. 486. col.
586^). Cf. Schiff, Bibliotheque p. 68, 73.

4 v". Aqui comienga la ffe catolica.

* rey inu( )o

92 H. R. Lang,

Begins : [T]odo liel xanos conviene que aya ensy dos cosas pr
conoscer a dios e guiar el su amor e la vida perdurable = La
primera es etc.

Ends : El vii (sc. articulo de la ffe que pertenesce a la umanidad)
es que en lin del mundo verna a judgar los bivos e los muertos e
dara gualardon a cada uno segun los sus meresgimientos.

Cf. Schiff, p. 213 : De articulis fidei catholicae.

6 v*^. Introducion per el doctor pero dias de toledo al muy ilustre
y esclarescido seiior su singular senor el pncipe don enrique prime
genito en los reynos de castilla y leon.

Rios, Obras del Marques de Santillana, p. clxxx.

65 r''. Tractado que fiso el muy excelente e elevado maestro en
santa teologia e en artes don alfon obpo que fue de avila que 11a-
maua el tostado estando en el estudio por el qual se prueua por
la sta escriptura como el ome es nescesario que se turbe amar e
el que verdaderamente ama es nescesario que se turbe.

Gallardo, Ensayo ii, nos. 2721, 3290, 3298; iii, no. 2863. Cf. Bibl.
Nac. Ms. B 20 : Tractatus super quinque figuratis paradoxis ; Schiff,
p. Ixxxiv & 40 ; and Cane, de Gomez Manrique ii, p. 32. Published
iDy Paz y Melia in Opusculos literarios, Madrid 1902.

fol. 73 Un tratado que fiso seneca que enbio a su amigo que
fabla de los remedios.

Gallardo, Ensayo II, Apendice p. 150, s. v. Seneca ; Schilf, p.
113, II ff.

fol. 76 Gomes Manrique al senor Diego Arias de Avila, contador
mayor del rey nuestro senor y del su consejo.

De los mas el mas perfecto . . .

Cane, de Burgos, p. cxxxvii, 6 ; Castaneda, fol. 380 ; Egerton 939,
fol. 53-59 vO; Ixar, fol. 200 (see Gallardo, Ensayo I, no. 486, col.
583 and 603-610); Bibliotheque Nat. de Paris, no. 587, fol. 185;
Cane. Gen. 1, no. 75; Paz y Melia II, p. 65—84.

76-78 ro, prosa.

1 como 4 et 5 ha traydo — digan 8 o sy — el 9 agradarian
10 ni — pmas 11 ynoto del todo — discrecion 12 ni — tan abondado
18 cuitase 14 syn duda — ansy tan jnstruto 15 solo de la merced
— racion que tengo . 18 a mantener 21 por vos a ella se da —
respuesta omitted 23 descontubrado 27 manif. 1. ynos 29 use
omitted, a period taking its place 31 omes rreuestidos — ante 33 q
nro. s. 35 quel 36 e for y 37 non han a 40 escripturas e. f.
42 atribuydle omitted 43 Salustrio 44 Catalinario 45 e — ni 50
estoruara 51 quisiere 54 como disc tulio 65 escrptura 67 caresces
69 non elevado etc. 70 dulce p. de c. 71 carescientes 72 la omitted.

Coniininn'catious from Spanish Cancioncros. 93

78-80 r'\ mctros.

3 yntinto 13 fuses 15 ami g. r. 17 grand a 18 sabiesu 24 y
no 37 E falta— non 39 grande 44 que non 52 beuir 68 des-
pidas 71 pasasen 77 dura como rrociada 78 pues mortal
80 qnd 82 enxiemplos 84 ladecomonia 85 omitted 94 cristianos
95 dignos fallaras 98 llama 99 de a 116 muy omitted. Conparacion
is omitted here as ivell as further on. 128 turables 134 pares^e
136 que ves p. 1. c. 141 tiuice, but crossed out the first time. 143
en punto 145 ansy 147 en la senda v. 150 faser 152 go^obras
165 /// place of afana there is another ivord, ending in — ia, which is
illegible oiving to the changes made by the copyist: tabdia 170 mucho
170, 173 muchos 173 tener 179 e (T?) 190 a los q. 217 deli-
gencia 224 mas mas sobl. 240 tras written above the line by a later
hand. 247 mas ^ chalos — todos. tales aqas written ivith different
ink 248 estos 249 Con t. 254 no 257 pierdes 272 nin — una
288 enforadas 297 requisimo 298 trab. atantos 301 paresgen
302 perescen 310 casta mente 320 no — desaforrados 326 menis-
trales 328 mucho 329 grandisymas 331 melitantes 345 de holanda
352 come 356 egualdad 360 tene3's, greys 378 descuydados
389 derribado 394 Mientra 396 trabajoso 398 chicos y g. s.
401 }'ningumos dellos so 402 desto esemy dos (esem}' above the
line, and in different ink. 404 c6 tales 408 ynon 409 synon 219
por. qmas

fol. 80 Ferrand Perez de Guzman ^

Diversas virtudes y vycios, ypnos rimados e^ loores divinos en-
biados al muy bueno e discreto Aluar Garcia de Sa. Maria, ^ del
Consejo del Re}' nuestro seuor.

Prologo

fol. 80 V**. Amigo mio sabio discreto.

256 stanzas.

Manuscript versions : L, fol. 46 ; Castailada, fol. 1 ; Burgos, last
piece, with 350 stanzas ; Cane, de Fray Inigo de Mendoza, Royal
Library at Madrid 2— F— 5 (antiguo viii— A 3), 2*^ piece ; Bibliotheque
Nationale, fonds espagnol, no. 587, fol. 1 ; no. 588, fol. 1 (here attrib-
uted to Juan de Mena) ; no. 591, fol. 5 (without epigraph) ; Biblio-
teca Nacional de Madrid, T 196 (fragment oi las Setecientas, accord-
ing to Gallardo, Ensayo 2, 126 and Amador de los Rios, Historia
6, p. 90, note 1) ; Bibl. Nac. ms. 3758 (= vol. iv), probably copied
from L : Egerton 939, fol. 83 ; Cane, de los Duques de Gor, accord-

^ ps de gusman * ^ loores etc. ^ gra de Sta Mra

94 H. R. Lang,

ing to A. de los Rios, 1. c, and Menendez y Pelayo, Atitolog-ia 5,
p. Ixxviii, note.

Printed versions : Cane, de Ramon de Llavia, fol. 2 ; In : Las
Sietecientas de Fernan Perez de Guzman. Sevilla, 22 de Die. de
1506 (a book which belonged to the Biblioteca Colombina, accord-
ing to Gallardo, Ensayo 2, no. 3246); the same, Lisboa 1512 and
1564, and the edition without date preserved in the Imperial Library
of Vienna, according to Farinelli, Giornale storico della letteratura
italiana, 1905, p. 14, note 2.'^

Anton de Montoro
fol. 96 r.-97 v.

(1) Muy digna potencia de mas prosperar

Cotarelo 29 ; Egerton 939 ; M. 2, 249 2 ; 3 algund 4 fesistes inserted
behveen two lines 14 qmuestra y speriencia 16 efque 1 7 q tu yases (tu
crossed out). 40fuste 43 cosus faldas 46 grand 61 vicio 1, p. 63 qund
68 la t7ra troyana c. etc. 69 7 sy m. etc. 70 Wgjo : (?) 76 ynpectuoso
83 victoria 90 atantos 101 qle d. o. 116 no le d. etc. 122 des-
obedencia 126 asy se le m. 135 buelo 136 trancadas 138 rrauia
139 r. syenpre gemidos etc. 140 syento 150 grand promoteo
167 eiiojos 174 jgnnar (= ganar?). 175 q ca n. t. b. 181 n.^m.
ora secalle 184 laga 189 qbue cauallo 203 sacreficio 205 rremitas
206 ynotas 208 o puesto etc. 209 gra 213 q nos v. d.

Diagarias.

(2) Bachiller, andais mui floxo
Cotarelo 166.

(3) Se que vuestra senoria
Cotarelo 234.

11 mas cabdal 12 puja.
fol. 98 r.

(4) Noble Reyna de Castilla
Cotarelo 280.

1 Alta.

(5 J Hombre de poca famiUa

Ibid.

(6) Aca non se de que villa

Ibid. 281.

^ See now Foulclie-Delbosc, Etude sur Fernand Perez Guzman, in
Revue Hispanique 16, 26 ff., where, however, both our SeAille cancionero
and some other sources are omitted.

2 Profesar for prosperar. Cotarelo y Mori does not appear to have con-
nslted this ms.

CoiuiiiHiiicatioiis from Spatiisli Cancioncros. 95

Y y a qen etc. 10 desauido (?). 11 no is wanting 15 acotan
21 oye 24 es is ivatititig
fol. 98 vo.

(8) Eterna gloria que dura
Cotarelo 104.

7 cogobras 9 vencate t. p.

(9) Templo de rica familia,
bordado con honestad

Cotarelo 277.
6 benjr 12 n. p. q. el s. e 13 me is ivaiiting 20 fabricas 34 u.
V. y p. 40 p. s. cono 43 tauerna 46 terraso 48 jarraso
fol. 98 v-99 V.

(10) El alma noble sufriente
Cotarelo 206 ff., ms. 2249.

2 y ivanting 8 ynobidiente 7 qrielo 17 tiles r. d. 22 quanto
37 qjres 38 colegio 39 q. p, flaco s. c. 42 amis g. m. 43 que
wanting 24 todos los crescidos p. 46 y aun 50 esto Con p. t.
56 b. en t. 1. h. 70 que en guarde etc. 71 non me cato 75 ql(l
zvritten by a later and different hand). 81 harre 82—90 wanting
94 sacreficio 95 syn los ver ni conbidar 97 syn los traer ni llamar
98 allatar or allacar Fin : 100—103 wanting.

Quexas de una mula que avia empenada Juan Munes de Cordoua
a don Pedro, y despues gela desenpefio.

(11) Vos, al mu}^ gran Rey anexo
Cotarelo 149.

4 de lexos 8 doblastes 13 follando 14 fiel — quiere 20 co dieta
21 dubda 23 non 24 del t. 32 iva buscar 33Vedsenor 35 gelas
36 c. e. d. muy d. 38 t. muy mas h. lo avia 39 Sy nadie — miraua
40 grand 42 Ved sy lo c. o 45 quiere 46 en wajiting. — y amas
llenas 47 la p. 50 grand 51 farte 56 enbueltas— alcaparas 57
Sobre h. 59 grand 60 puede 63 mas d. s. r. a 64 ay un onbre
66 en mis muy r. yjadas 72 qllas 73 rriebto 74 nin 76 fase —
sogebto 77 non 78 m. brutados 81 segund — calla 84 falla 86
de m. V. o. 87 que wanting 88 sali la t. b. Rubric wanting 92
syno p. a. q. q. b. 93 non 94 nin 104 tusana 107 grand senor
c. s. f. 109 enbiastes m. 1. Ill grand 112 piensa de v. 118
anparare syn cargaso 120 ceno 121 Saluo m. p. c. 123 Vine t. 124
c. 1. p. del fonsario 125 segund 126 m. 1. muy etc. 128 entraua 130
traxiera 132 M. Pero 133 fe me d. en 1. grand foya 138 granciones
140 del muro 141 p. pa el a. etc. 142 q. h. etc. 143 p. vean 146
aueys 147 quad 149 fermosas 157 d. ql. etc. 159 n. por b. ferrador
160 nj m. f. etc. 165 tan prolixo 166 clueldad 168 catiuedad cabo

96 H. R. Lang,

fol. 101 r.

(12) Asaye de memorar
Cotarelo 175.

5 grand 7 cinen 8 fortuna 20 fallares 25 sabe (?)
fol. 101 V.

(13) Un escudero andaua
Cotarelo 111.

7 y zvmiting 11 de a. b. v. 12 colupna 21 ouas 19 tenia 38
dixo — lancar 43 grand 46 segund
fol. 101 V.-102 r.

(14) El fidalgo que singlaua
Cotarelo 113.

3, 14 grand 5 quando pauor etc. 8 conortaua 15 3uan 21
dellas 25 argumento 26 selegismo 28 deuemos 31 distingian
42 n. V. esta c. 44 lo tiene

fol. 102.

Anton de Montoro a

(15) Como quando cortan arbol
Cotarelo 44. Ms. 2249.

3 iten q. quitan

Al Seiior Ynigo lopes marq de Stillana qle mando q fisiese algo

fol. 102 V.

(16) Como ladron que desea
Cotarelo 55.

2 quel mate ni qmate 4 7 6 Y d. 11 asy 12 e. s. q. v. 15
grand 18 que es 19 no ivanting

A. G. O. Corregidor por un punal etc.

(17) Juan de Luna me lo dio;
vos, senor, me lo tomastes.

Cotarelo 145-6.

3 esto. J and 4 in inverted order' 17—20 precede 9—16
9 Yo fablando 10 diga 18 de grand fuerga 3' de v. 20
podrie

Otra suya al dicho Corregidor por que le mando que jugase a
las canas

(18) Non jugais, buen cauallero ?
— Dias ha que non jugue.

Cotarelo 160.
1 Que faces 3 y quereys 4 soy 5 T. 1. qv t. 3- non f.

(19) Yo pense, senor Juvera
Cotarelo 240.

3 y non m. vos t. 4 quando v. falle fuslera

Communications from Spanish Cancioneros. 97

(20) Discrete varon polido
Cotarelo 190.

1 D. y muy p. 4 fiusia 6-7 wanting.

Mando el Corregidor que ticiese un albala para Juan Abis
cambiador del Cabildo
fol. 103 r.

(21) Buen amigo, Juan Habis
Cotarelo 143.

3 dares A. d. M. 5 Y con esta soy contento 6 de lo que aqui
se promete 9 ^ syete

Alfonso Velas Anton

(22) Como los ricos tesoros
puestos so la ruda tierra

• Cotarelo 75.

4 someros. 7 vro.

(23) Dicen que amanece Dios
para todos desde el cielo

Cotarelo 75-76.
1-4 estan tras 5-16 5 segund 8 caridas (?) coros 19 9 y invidos

11 non quesistes dar etc. 12 un solo y propasar 13 medianero
15 con el vro m. 17 pollenera After Amanece para vos comes the

following cabo :

Lexos de mal entreualo
cerca de bien que teneys
han me dicho que sabeys
desencantar fado maloi

Otras suyas al dicho marqs

(24) Que cosa tan de escusar
Cotarelo 59.

1 obra t. descusar 4 de Duero 5 y con etc. 7 antel 11 vra

12 ningund

Montoro a una muyer beuda

^ Aftei- the lines : Con el vuestro niencionar Pollenero etc., Ms. 13042
has the following note : " Aqui, bien estiidiado el original, no se puede
sacar el verdadero sentido de el Poema." This note, for the communi-
cation of wliich I am indebted to Mr. A. Wittstein, is followed by the
four lines which begin : Dicen que amanece Dios. After these verses
comes the same cdbo as in our Seville ms., this cabo being identical with
the last four lines beginning : como el Sant Job tentado (ms. 4114 of
Bibl. Nac, fol. 674). The statement made by Cotarelo y Mori (p. 58 of
liis edition of Montoro) is therefore inaccurate.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XV. 7 July, 1909.

98 H. R. Lang,

(25) Un vinagron como lierro
Cotarelo 294.

3 fojuelas 4 so a. 5 Al echar y leuantaros puta vieja beuda y
loca 7 eso me da b. 9 vina — foya 12 otro dia se enxuga 14 p.
tirame alia esa p. 16 y en

fol. 103 vo.

Otra a un despensero que se Uamaua por9el por un poco de
cosina {sic) que le avia de dar e gela comieron los perros.

(26) Pese a tal, Porcel, y a3ma

Cotarelo 295, where neither 13042 nor Egerton are referred to.

1 avos y anina 2 ynormes 3 p. f. ... a C. 6 gelo 7 nos 8 yal
9 Con goso del desgranar

(27) Vos, en quien todo bien cabe
Cotarelo 235.

5 declarame 6 non

(28) Suena de vos una fama.
Cotarelo 232.

3 tirasen 7 deste 8 traes 9 be^o 10 y omitted

Otra suya.

(29) Decid, amigo, sois flor?
Cotarelo 269.

2 o obra etc. 3 carbanq' 6 o tauboril o trompeta 7 o m. o faurate
fol. 103v.-104r.

(30) En todas destrezas mas vivo que brasa
Cotarelo 221.

2 rrepuna 6 ahuelo 12 quede

(31) Por vuestros mandos y ruegos
Cotarelo 216.

1 A v. m. y. r. 2 presumjr 3 agora, b. c 4 yo ardo e. d. f.
5 q sy non le do pensares 6 couarde y m. 7 dires 8 q. m.

(32) Persona muy singular
Cotarelo 200.

2 pero d. y f. 3 non sopiere 4 confiando en vro dar 6 carga-
dos 8 en los baldios

(33) Nunca vi tal en mi vida
Cotarelo 69.

6 soys

(34j Si como el ultimo dia

Cotarelo 68.
9 sentires
(35) Vos en quien todos se acojen

Cotarelo 67.
1 agose 12 los questos 14 grand

Comumtdcations from Spanish Caucioiicros. 99

fol. 10-4 vo.

(36) Non vos vengo con querellas
Cotarelo 157.

2 nin las resciba3's 4 grand 5 agora, b. c. 6 quando tal etc.

(37) A vos bien querer y amar
Cotarelo 158.

1 qrey 5 lantisco.

(38) Escape de INIoratilla
Cotarelo 162.

7 viene m. 8 a pie enxoto a la diana
Otra a Don Pedro porque le torao un dedal

(39) Lleno de prosperidades
Cotarelo 161.

6 p. constantes y m.

fol. 104 V.-105 r.

El dicho Anton a Juan de Mena

(40) Como facen los novicios
Cotarelo 46.

2 en los e. m. diestror 3 qen no ver a sus maestros 4 usan de
jovenes vicios 5 asy q p. etc. 8 mostraran t. s. y. 10 rreprehen-
sor 11 Rest of line after dixo is cut out 4 fisela — onbre 15 p.
quando se vera 16 los que v. mengua dice 17 quier b. t. 18 so
bien ^ierto que dira 19 lo que mejor en parte fise. Follow II.
32—35 : Cabo 32 vea 33 qnto 34 faga a : c. vos 35 faga o. c.
el. Rest of Cabo, II. 36-41, wanting. 23 gosa de gloria syn pena
24 fuelga 27 Jura c. t. m. 28 lacking 29 elijo 31 fijo

(41) En verdat que si lo uno
es asi como lo al

Cotarelo 60
No rubric: 1 Es 9 puradas 13 entre pongo mas p. 14 Vuestra
discrecion emiende 15 pronuncian 16 de pasar paso por ende
18 acidentan los enter os 20 mas son etc. 22 faxan 24 altos.
(42j Hombre de rica familia.

Cotarelo 205.
The ms. writes clearly en discretas no m. pacho, without cedilla
under the t of discretas. The reading en discrezas non muy pacho,
ivhich Cotarelo attributes to it, is therefore wrong.^ 2 no m. pacho.
3 qreys t. ese m. The note here appended by Cotarelo is again in-
correct. 4 mursilla.

* This is the only time that Cotarelo quotes directly the text of our
manuscript.

100 H. R. Laiig,

(43) Discrete y muy polido
en cuyas obras non ando
Cotarelo 144.

4 vos 13 9umo
fol. 105 yo.

(44) Cuando dejan al can, sola
Cotarelo 65.

(45) Como los canes con ira
Cotarelo 66.

fol. 108 vO-111 ro.

Juan de Mena^

Argumento breue de toda la obra e invocacion catolica.
Canta tu, Christiana musa

Paz y Melia, G. M. 1, 242; Egerton 939, fol. 116; Castaneda,
fol. 153 ; I (Gallardo, Ensayo I, no. 486, col. 579) ; T, no. 61 (Gall,
I, no. 484, col. 496); Salva, fol. cxviii ; X^, fol. 2; Bibl. Nationale,
Paris, fonds espagnol, no. 587, fol. 217; no. 588, fol. 97; Cancionero
of the 15th centur}^, published in Revue hispaniqiie 10, 322, no. 5 :
See besides the list of the works of Juan de Mena published by
Foulche-Delbosc in Revue hispanique 9, 114 ff., where, however,
our cancionero is not consulted.

2 mas qla c. b. 6 de la tal v. 8 non Rubric : dios p. 1. m. g.
ya is wanting 1 1 enpocoiiada Rubric : proymisa — corregion
18 tardaes 22 bivo en entender 23 y de b. f. The order of tlie U.
33-40 and 41-48 is inverted 46 descarnadas 33 la p. v. 35 es
posada por esta arte 38 ca — non 39 beuir 53 filo 55 judgando
59 non 64 The copyist first wrote defiendo, then he crossed it out,
adding afeo. 66 muchas 68 yerran los p. 70 enxenplos Rubric :
semejancas 78 brisma 85 non 87 afi^cion 98 non 101 en t. f.
107 fuyera 109 ficgiones 112 The copyist first wrote necnas, theti
corrected this to veinas. 116 ahorradas 126 redusiendo 132 jn
judga etc. 141 asygne 144 se encamine 151 non 152 d. cata-
dura 155 ynflamada — non 157 o triste y p. 160 presentuosa
Rubric: de la auaricia 161 s. y. m. 171 de poncofia da f (?)
117 rreganados 180 s. agidentes a. 183 desechando 184 y 186 alos
c. r. 189 Des que etc. 191 a ivanting. This line had been omitted
and was then supplied. 192 n. lo podiera o Rubric: enbidia 199 e
/;/ place of y 200 de ivanting. Rubric: setima 201 sonolienta
203 grange ra 205 tractada Rubric: abtor 229 se estrecha 231 ca
wanting 232 cres^e 243 departe 247 tiniel^la 251 de a. s. f.

^ Written on tlie margin.

Comunmications from Spanish Cancioncros. 101

254 prosumir. Rubric after 264 ivantiiig 272 sugeb9ion Rubric:
nasce ] vienec {sic) 274 esquiuedad 276 linage 280 afligion Rubric :
del ivaiitiiig 281 loanga 285 fundamento 287 ql s — turar.^ 290 ageno
291 C. p. te mostrar m. 1. 292 judgan 302 que — terrunon 303 y
da cunon 804 a ivayiting. 305 correbcion 309 faction 312 mingion
Rubric after 312: continua 314 tenpo 317 non 318 ni 320 fer-
mosura, corrected to fermosa 321 Fue 323 de 325 fuese tu grand c.
329 que eres 332 consyntiese te 337—344 wanting. Rubric: mas
wanting 345 puede 348 cobdigion. Fol. 108 v'^. Rubric : mas
wanting 370 quien de qde nobleza se siga The copyist first wrote
quien de, then he corrected his error by adding q de, without, however,
crossing out the erroneous words. 372 derechero Rubric: mas
wanting 382 el ivanting. 386 te fallas sy bien te catas 387 quando
389 ansy en grand e. Rubric: presentuosa 403 y p. grand e.
404 beuir The rubric and II. 409-416 are lacking. 425 yproquesia
427 sonbra 432 iilusumia Rubric : continua 436 This line is pre-
ceded by the particle no written in smaller letters. 438 quiere
440 mismo After this word follows the rubric Prosygue. Fol. 109 r**.
443 enganio 446 subir 450 me inserted above the line. 452 yproqta
After 456 follows the rubric : Continua 459 la inserted above the
line. 460 su 461 busca 464 fuscar Rubric: contra el a. 467 a
todos 468 llegas 472 mismo /;/ place of niegas, the line has llego,
niegas being supplied under the line. Rubric: por que a 474 This
line is preceded by a sign representing y, which conjunction is ivant-
ing at the beginning of the next line. 478 p. q. non se faga c.
480 a las V. del a. 481 por qso 482 preciado 485 donde esto
Rubric : a la primera f. 491 creger a la b. 494 noctigia 496
bueltas Rubric: mas ivanting. 513 s. de su c. 518 conoscan
522 presgiado 523 presgiados 526 que 1. m. etc. Fol. 109 v.
534 a wanting 538 antiguos 539 testigos 542 munchos 543,
544 mucho 550 estouiera 551 subrreticia 557 especia 572 te a.
574 d. t. non dan c. 582 sujebto Rubric : Dize mas wanting ;
el a. 582 de arpia 586 beuir 591 tocatriz 594 non n. 597
que digo que es 1. d. 598 t. y desta c. Rubric : L. r. C. como
el q. r. deue ser g. 599 Q. b. j. a la p. 603 de a. 605
desagradesgido 508 g. algos C. 615 Ca sy etc. Fol. 110 r.
620 la yntengion p. 624 fidionda 636 acto 638 cobrar 641
santos padres s. d. 643 pestelengia 646 y ] e 647 brunes 650
tratan 651 meritales 652 fuellas 654 debdos 664 daofena c.

^ Paz y Melia : tirar, which reading gives no sense.

102 H. R. Lang,

h. 665 y. p. a. 670 saludan 677 1. hedad q. t. b. 682 s. rreyes
y d. 689 contrahechos 694 c. muchos p. Rubric : pros3^gue 695
Que como t. c. 698 proveyo p. t. f. 708 g-enerayion Fo/. 110 v.
714 d. en el su s. 744 gran arrenga 745 lengua 750 se alcanna
753 n. g. penados a. 755 bicoquites 762 acrestar 774 conbeniencia
775 seyendo 778 volcano 780 sonosa 795 A. del p. 796 danoso
Fol. 112 r. 799 O quand etc. 804 actos 807-814 wanting 821
afe^iones 823 se prueua 827 estiendase 829 que en los otros
3'o non s. 831 Quanto 833 o que syguen o. t. 835 Quiera d. f.

fol. Ill r., col. 2^.1—117 r., col. 3*.

Gomez Manrique

Por fallescimiento del famoso poeta Johan de Mena.
Pues este negro morir 2

Paz y Melia I 278. Cf. Egerton 939, fol. 120; Castaileda, fol.
161 ; Cancionero of 15 th centur}- (= no. 6, p. 73). Revue Hispanique
10, 320 ff.

2 q. a n. n. p. 10 temor 12 la c. 13 por que seyendo p. 14
ome 16 deuiera 17 segun 21 perfecta 21 trsa {for beca) ; 23
conseguire. Rubric: Torna — e ivanting 44 ganen 45 orates 46
se a 51 non 54 dexan 55 non 57 desy 60 de ti 68 lo t.
70 que wanting 71 e ivanting 74 non 79 non 83 guisado 85
El que c. b. Rubric: R. 1. r. contra la gula 101 nunca — venir
104 entreuenir 105 non 106 q entra 107 Co escrptura*^ tia 109
sy tu 1. Ill luene 113 Que wanting 114 y lasu etc. 116 ni

^ The verso of fol. Ill is blank.

- Before this composition, ms. 13042 has the following note : " En un
ms. de la Biblioteca de la S. Igiesia Patriarcal de Sevilla, enti'e los codices
del Sr. D. Fernando Colon, se halla con otras obras poeticas la que con
titiilo de Iiivocacion catolica , comienza Canta tu Christiana Alttsa^ que
compuso Jiian de Mcna. y entre las impresas con titulo de I'irtudcs y vicios,
continuo Pr. Geronimo Olivares desde donde la havia dejado sin concluir
el citado Mena. Cita en su Biblioteca este Poenia Dn Nicolas Antonio,
y aunque canonigo de nuestra Igiesia de Sevilla, como trabajo en Poma,
sin embargo de haverle remitido el Canonigo Loaysa, entonces Biblio-
thecario, notas de las Obras de Autores Espaiioles, la presente no la
inserto entre las de Gomes Manrrique, por que no la advertiria Loaj^sa,
por estar a renglon seguido al Poema expresado de Juan de Mena.
Debemos advertir, que en el Ms. solo hay 102 j)iezas de este Autor ; que
en el Tmpresso son en mas numero : 3^ que hay algunas en todo nuevas
y muchos variantes su leccion en la primera parte, 6 quarteta de la
octava. El Ms. es de el medio Siglo xv y por consiguiente podemos
decir casi coetaneo a Mena. Da principio la continuacion con este
titulo : " por el fallecimiento " etc.

Coiuuimiications from Spanish Cancioncros. 103

118 asvi p. 120 comio 121 nou 129-130 El primero planto vina
segundo es escripto 131 seguir el a 133 su propio fiju forco 134
por lo quel fue muy penado 135 Aunque asas aver pecado 136
penaes al que peco After 136 follow the lines 153—160 in place
of II. 137—144 which are wanting 157 desir le 159 mas por p. d.
146 juuenil 149 emana 150 syetes 151 dares 163 ni 178,
182 beudos 190 quando 196 adolieue 197 ynora 199 desperesos
207 enpachan Rubric: Replica 1. g. contra la rrason 211 podemos
214 podiendose s. Rubric: d. — e. wanting. 221 loo wanting. 222
bestiales. Rubric : medios. 225 non 227 ni 232 ylo s. d. 239 so
la ql 246 qarena 247 pecado Rubric: d.— enb. wanting 271
y dexados 1. e. 275 acrescienta 279 posesyn 280 verdad 281 p.
n. es q. m. 283 malgedon 284 E. 1. trades s. 285 dese Qesar
demorado (?) 291 andaiis r. 293 Marcharbal 292 sofr. 301 e
delos labradores 302 Ennobescelos collados 305 que vicio c. d.
313 s. mill c. 314 non le s. etc. 320 dexiste 341 mismo 342
beuimos 344 partidos 345 avos 357 sy mas etc. 370 discrecion
372 non g. etc. 373 poserlos 382 bien va 1. f. en rrama 385 beui-
remos 391 Otras n. 1. v. 396 lien90s — apurados 397 e— apresurados
398 alfajas 399 glorias 405 actos 407 buscanto 413 7 las etc.
416 m. e c. 418 con e. etc. 420 de la pena 421 la honrra
423 1. glorias 426 maganas 432 las d. etc. 439 triufos 441 segaron
457 memorales 460 syn faser m. d. 464 Cayn abel su hermano
467 e wanting 480 manif. 481 defensiones 486 1. g. f. n. 492
emienda 502 podiesen 505 veemos Rubric: r. 1. r. a la peresa
515 desgrenada 519 beuir 520 quiero 3-0 m. r. 523 querras 524
non 527 y 535 Es wanting 539 via 545 finchir. 546 faragan
547 tornando 554 non 557 negligencia 558, 561 non 569 e c.
etc. 573 dificil Rubric: a lo etc. wanting 588, 603 muchos 590
ellos 595 lo b. 601 estas 607 rehgion 609 non 612 regno 622
acebtados 623, 636 muchos 628 obraron 629 gustaron 630 e
la etc. 640 mismo 650 y m. 654 y t. non c. 655 neg. 667 non
668 por— electo 671 podieran 673 non devrian 676 non 681 nin
683 en -wanting 684 pupilo 688 Sceuola 689 non con el su grand
denuedo 693 e p. s. m. c. 700 e n. 705 biuiera 706 moll. 710
e n. etc. 715 su^esores 719 muchos 722 trabajado 728 dela
728 mucho — amigos 730 de graues prolixidad 745 e. 1. etc. 746
estoria 747 mucho 749 se omitted. 756 non 771 esta 779 fasemos
781 activa 782 de siempre etc. 783 jouenes p. s. etc. 793 g. a, 1.
805 en v. 807 perfectos 812 q. por fe etc. 812 de se salvar
817 non 833 e non 836 non Rubric: actor; e compara wanting
841 liniestra 842 ocidental 849 e su etc. 853 q. 1. q. nunca

104 H. R. Lang,

bie nada 854 vergonosa 857 digna 858 la n. 863 E desde alta
carida 868 fiesta 871 yo como de la prudencia 874 para la
parte mejor. Rubric : Coriio da fenja la p. 883 aficciones 885
muchas 886 perfectas 891 farto 897 e de t. 898 desordenada
899 de m. s. f. qob qen 910 falles9en 915 q el etc. 916 v.
esquiua 917 mas ayna 921 deputado 926 ser parado /o/. 116 v.
928 beuir 930, 931, 947 non 932 sujebtos 933 afecion 937 desto
mucho 942 pequenos 944 digno 945 e, c. etc. 946 regno 947
logar. Rubric : Como la providencia da | da rremedio contra los |
syete ya nombrados 951 Quando a ti b. f. 952 mayoral 956
umillda tu m 960 a los c. e. 966 pasaran Rubric : Pone el ivanting
967 de a. 970 anad. 971 q ayas n. 974 Confondas atal m. 980
troxistes 983-1182 wanting 1183 E— reynastes 1184 umanos
1186 sojudgastos 1187 leuastes 1188 non 1189 e en j. 1190
despechastes 1199 0yd con etc. 1202 afligidos 1205 seres 1209
non uses 1213 j. como qen anda 1215 diligencia 1218 con mal —
querencia 1219 obseruad 1227 fagaes Rubric: A los labradores
1232 ritas 1234 beuid 1238 doctores Rubric: Amonestamiento
general 1241 e. a. 1243 qndo el j. d. 1245 do s. m. 1247
resucitaran reyes 1262 qreys — El libro es acabado dios sea loado amen

fol. 117 yO., col. la.

Guivarai a su amiga pasado el punto con grant fortuna.
Si fuesedes vos serrana.

The eleven verses of this fragment correspond to lines 9—19 of
no. 157 of Cancionero N, published by Rennert in Romanische
Forschungen 10, p. 80.

2 en esta tierra fraguosa 4 se tornaria toda liana 5 y sus rr.
todas losas 8 v., 11. cesarian 9 asi— poderian 10--11 in inverted
order.

[Anton de IMontoro] al Corregidor de Cordoua porque . . .
Sefior, non pecho ni medro
Cotarelo 147.

5 yedras

fol. 117 v<>. col. 2 a.

Juan Alvarez Gato el de Madrid a su amiga de Alonso Carrillo
en respuesta de un presente qle en])io de una redoma de ag[ua]
rosada y una paua y alcor^a y nuezes en cons<?rua }' carne de
membrillos.

El presente que me distes
el agua lagrimas son,

1 ynara.

Communications from Spanish Canciomros.

105

.la paua mis bozes tristes,
el alcor9a el cora9on
cativo que me prendistes;
las nuezes es mas qu'el ruido,
la came es la que lo siente,
y el vidro el acidente
que temo de vuestro olvido. •

4,8 ell a.

Coplas
[de]i Juan de Mena.
Al muy prepotente don Juan el segundo.
See Revue hispanique 9, p. 114, and the recent edition of the
Laberinto by Foulche-Delbosc (Macon, 1904). The last of the 264
stanzas of this version is the one beginning : Estonces veredes es-
cura la fama.

2 ella yua 1. s.
fol. 118 r0._161 vo.
[El] labyrinto

Cane, de la Colombina (E-AA. 144, 18), B. N. ms. 13042 (antiguo
Dd. 61), Mus. Brit. Egerton 939 (Gayangos, Catalogue I, 11).

Colomb.

13042

Egert.939

1 San Agostin, Libro de la Vida

30 first fol.not

_

1

Cliristiana

numbered

2 Indice del Cane, de la Colomb.

fol 1.

—

—

8 Aves brutos y salvajes

fol. 1 v-2

—

—

4 Epistola de San Bernaldo

2-4

—

—

5 La ffe catolica

4 yo.-e yo.

—

—

6 Proverbios comentadosporPero

Dias de Toledo

6 v.- 65

—

—

7 Tractado que fiso el Tostado

(in prose)

65-73

1.53-164 v».

—

8 Tractado que fiso Seneca

73-76

—

—

9 Gomez Manrique : De los mas

el mas perfecto

76-80

165-170

no. 20-21

10 Pernan Perez de Gruzman, Ami-

go sabio e discreto

80-96

—

no. 24

11 A. de Montoro ; Muy digna po-

tencia de mas prosperar

96-97 yo.

123

„ 25

12 Bachiller, andais muy flojo

97 yO

127

„ 26

13 Se que vuestra senoria

11

127 yo.

„ 27

14 Alta Reyna de Castilla

98

128

„ 28

^ Laurentino J. d. M.

106

H. R. Lang,

15 Oiibre de poca familia

16 Aca lion se de que villa

17 Eterna gloria que dura

18 Temple de rica familia
bordado con honestad

19 El alma noble sufriente

20 Vos al muy gran vej anexo

21 Asaye de memorar

22 Uii eseudero andaua

23 El fidalgo que singlaua

24 Como quando cortaii arbol

25 Como ladron que desea

26 Juan de Luna me lo dio

27 Non jugais, buen cavallero

28 Yo peiise, seiior Juvera

29 Discrete varon polido

j 30 Buen amigo, Juan Habis
I 31 Como los ricos tesoros

32 Diceii que amanece Dios

33 Que cosa tan de excusar

34 Un vinagron como fierro

35 Pese a tal, Porcel, y ayna

36 Vos en quien todo bien cabe

37 Sueiia de vos una fama

38 Decid, amigo, sois flor

39 En todas destrezas mas vivo

que brasa

40 Por vuestros inandos y ruegos

41 Persona muy singular

42 Nunca vi tal en mi vida

43 Si como el ultimo dia

44 Vos en quien todos se acogen

45 Noil vos vengo con querellas

46 A vos bien querer y amor
: 47 Escape de Moratilla

48 Lleno de prosperidades

49 Como facen los novicios

50 En verdat que si lo uno
es asi como lo al

51 Hombre de rica familia

52 Discrete j niuy polido

53 Cuando dexan al can

Colomb.

98
98 v".

99
101

101 v».

102

102 vo.

103

103 v".

104

104 v".

105

105 v".

13042

128

128 v".

11

129 vo.

130 v».

132 vo.
133

133 vo.
134

134 vo.

11
135

11

135 v».

"il

136

11

136 vo.

r

137

11
11

137 v».

138

138 v*.
139

V

139 v».

140

Egert.939

no. 29

„ 30

„ 31

„ 32

„ 33

„ 34

„ 35

no. 36

no. 37
„ 38
„ 39
„ 40

no. 41
„ 42
„ 43
„ 44
„ 45

„ 46
,. 47

„ 48

no. 49
50
51
52
53
54
55

no. 56
„ 57

Coininitnicatious from Spanish Cancioneros.

107

Colomb.

13042

Egert 939

51 Como los canes con ira

105 yo.

140 v».

55 Juan deMena : Canta tu, Christi-

ana Musa

105 v.-lll r.

—

no. 59

56 tx. Manrique : Pues este negro

niorir

111-117

141

no. 60

57 Uuevara : Si f uesedes vos ser-

rana

117 vo.

152 yo.

—

58 A. de Montoro : Seiior, non

pecho ni medi'o

11

140 v«.

no. 58

59 J. Alv. Gato : El presente que

me distes

11

152 Y».

—

60 J.de Mena : Laberinto de Fortuna

118-161

(End)

—

—

()1 Tractados religiosos en lengua

latina

—

1-53

62 Templarios, en Latin y espaiiol

—

54-62

—

63 Ordenes militares

—

63-70

—

64 Templarios

—

70-75

—

65 Ordenes militares

—

76-107

—

66 (Notarial document, dated To-

\ ledo Mch. 31, 1429)

—

108-118

—

67 Ordenes militares

119-120

t

68 Gonzalo Perez a instancias de

I

Alonso VIII

—

121-122

—

69 Poesias

—

123-170
(See above)

—

70 Epistola exortatoria a las letras

de Juan de Lucena (prosa)

—

171-175

—

71 Esposicion de el Verso : Quo-

niam videbo coelos tuos, ope-

ra digitorum tuorum, etc.

(ano de 1424)

—

176-193

—

72 Lamentacion de D. Alvaro de

Luna etc.

—

194_204

—

73 Tio, seiior, si yo buenamente

pudiera

—

—

no. 1

74 Sabido el iin de la seuora con-

desa

— ,

—

11 —

75 Principe de cuj^o nombre

—

—

„ 3

76 Recuerde el alma dormida

—

—

„ 4

77 Las preguntas que el Emj)era-

dor hizo, etc.

—

—

„ 5

108 H. R. Lang, Comnmnications from Spanish Cancioneros.

Colomb.

13042

Egei

•t.939

78 Metros sobre el cantar que dizen

los juglares (Agora el tiempo,

etc.)

—

no. 6

79 Sobre el cantar : Si me f uera

desta tierra

77

7

80 Esta hora niaytiiial

—

—

r

8

81 En denuestos e baldones

—

9

82 Un linaje ysrraelita

—

—

i:

10

83 La sesta se celebro

—

•)•)

11

84 El cielo a nona enxergado

—

—

7?

12

85 Despues que ya fue difunto

—

—

11

13

86 Al tiempo de las completas

—

—

1)

14

87 Carta : Devota hermana por

que, etc.

—

—

71

15

88 Carta : Senora esposa de mi

sefior

—

—

77

16

89 Carta : Despertad vuestros sen-

tidos

—

77

17

90 Mingo revulgo, mingo

—

—

77

18

91 Prose tract : Adan fizo nuestro

seiior Dios, etc.

77

19

92 Aclara, Sol divinal, Eray liiigo

de Mendoza

—

77

22

93 Redemptor, pues que quisiste

—

—

77

23

Yale University.

H. R. Lang.

/

THE RECONSTRUCTION

OF THE ORIGINAL

CHANSON DE ROLAND

FREDERICK BLISS LUQUIENS

IV.— The Reconstruction of the Original Chanson de Roland.

It should be stated, at the very outset, that throughout this ar-
ticle the terms Chanson de Roland, and Oxford manuscript (for
which we shall use the abbreviation O), signify respectively the
Roland, and O, exclusive of the so-called ' Baligant Episode.' Practic-
ally all Roland students admit that this episode was an interpolation
in that lost intermediary manuscript through which all the extant
redactions^ derive from the orimnal.^

Although the Chanson de Roland has been studied for three-
quarters of a century, many of its problems, including several of
the most important ones, are as yet unsolved. In the opinion of
the present writer, however, a great number of these problems are
solvable if the following thesis be proved — that the original Chanson
de Roland was a poem of marked and consistent technical excel-

^ There is, of course, a difference of opinion as to whether the Carmen
de Prodicione Guenonis and the so-called Chronicle of Turpin derive through
the same lost intermediary as the other redactions (cf. Gaston Paris, in
Romania^ xi, 465—518 ; and Stengel, in Zeitschrift f. roman. Philol.^ viii,
499—521). The solution of this problem, however, does not affect the
contentions of tliis article.

^ Cf. especially Scholle, in Zeitschrift f. reman. Philol.., i, 26—40 ; Donges.
Die Baligantepisode im Rolandsliede (Marburg, 1879) ; Pakscher, Zur Kritik
U7id Geschichte dcs franzosischen Rolandsliedes (Berlin, 1885), pp. 42—59 ;
Lindner, in Romanische Forsch-imgen.^ vii, 568—569 ; Gaston Paris. Extraits
de la Chanson de Roland^ pp. xxi— xxii. There are slight differences of
opinion on the delimitation of the episode ; these, however, do not affect
the contentions of our article. We shall consider the episode to consist
of the following lines (throughout this article we use the numeration of
Stengel's Genatter Abdruck der Oxforder Hs. Digby 23^ Heilbronn, 1878) :
2496-2844, 2974-3681, 3975-3987, 3990.— Donges, 1. c, p. 47, says that
arguments based on the technic of the episode would confirm his con-
clusion as to its spru-iousness. That neither he nor any one else has
made a detailed and complete presentation of such arguments is doubt-
less due to the Heedlessness of confirmation. Perhaps, however, such
confii'mation would have a certain value, for now and then there appears
^n obstinate defender of the episode : for instance, Tavernier, in liis Z7ir
Vorgeschichte des altfranzosischen Rolatidsliedes (Berlin, 1903), pp. 155—173.

112 F. B. Luqntens,

lence. For this thesis may often be used as a decisive weight,
where former investigators have laid an equal amount of evidence
in either scale. To its proof, then, will be devoted the first part of
this article.

Let us call to mind the interrelations of the various Roland re-
dactions. The original poem (whether it existed in manuscript form,
or only orally, we need not attempt to decide) may be called x.
From X derived, perhaps through lost intermediaries, a lost manu-
script, which may be called x'. x' was already augmented b}-
interpolations, especially by that of the Baligant Episode. ^ From
x' derive, through lost intermediaries (except, possibly, in the case
of O), all the extant redactions.

That X was a poem of marked and consistent technical excellence
is practically 2 proved by the following two facts: (1) one of the
extant manuscripts, O, is of marked and almost consistent technical
excellence ; (2) the few technical faults of O may be plausibly
attributed to copyists.^

These facts, however, need detailed exemplification, for very few
nvestigators have realized them. If Petit de JuUeville has con-
tended,^ " On pourrait . . . montrer . . . que I'oeuvre a une contexture
bien plus serree qu'on ne I'a dit quelquefois " ; if Ten Brink has
written,^ " Wie gewaltig ist die Konzeption des Ganzen, wie ein-
heitlich und geschlossen, in alien Teilen von der herrschenden Idee
durchleuchtet ist die Komposition ! " ; if Professor W. M. Hart, in
his recent Ballad and Epic. ^ frequently ascribes artistry to the poem;
the great majorit}^ of writers have thought otherwise. For instance,
Becker, in his Grundriss der altfranzosischen Literatur (1907),'^ denies

^ Cf. Miiller, in the introduction to his edition of the Rol^ind (1878),
p. V ; and Stengel, in the introduction to liis edition, jd. ix.

^ I say ' practically,' because it is possible, though very improbable,
that the technical excellence of O was due to some lost intermediarj^
between x' and it. Cf. infra^ p. 127, Note 3.

' It is hardly necessary to say that we are speaking of O's technical
excellence as a poem, not as a manuscript ; and that therefore we do
not consider such eiTors as those of vv. 197, 562, 604, etc., as teclmical
faults. Such errors are merely typographical errors — if we may be allowed
the anachronism.

* La Chanson de Rolm^d (Paris, 1894), j). 57. Cf. also Geddes, La Chanson
de Roland (New York, 1906), p. 175.

^ Geschichte der englischen Litteratur (Sti'assburg, 1899), p. 145.

' Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, Volume XI (Boston, 1907).

' pp. 40-41.

Cliausoii dc Roland. 113

the Roland " die plastische Schonheit, " " die gleichmassige VoU-
kommenheit," and "die Anschaulichkeit." ^ Let us then endeavor
to set forth in detail the technical excellence of the Oxford manu-
script. Let us first consider the composition of O in its entiret}-,
then the composition of its various parts. '-

Considered in its entirety, the Oxford manuscript possesses unit}',
coherence, emphasis.^

To the present writer the practicall}' perfect unit}' of O is un-
mistakably evident. Yet most Roland students, from Bourdillon,* a
translator of 1840, who called the ]Doem " le plus grand ramas de
sottises qu'on puisse voir," to Bruckner, ^ a dissertationist of 1905,
who never tires of discussing its " Widerspriiche," have considered
its unity to be greatly impaired by what they have termed incon-
sistencies and impossibilities.'^^ Here is an 'inconsistency.' At the
beginning of the poem, Marsila, discouraged, desperate, cries, "Jo
nen ai ost qui bataille li dunne " ; "' later, — say the critics — the poet
contradicts himself, for Marsila tells Ganelon that he has a host of
400,000 men. They do not, or will not, see that when Marsila asks
Ganelon whether, with his host of 400,000, he may give battle to

^ Neither Becker nor the other wiiters mentioned refer explicitly to O.
but we may take it for granted that the poem to which the}^ refer is
practically O.

^ For the bibliography of studies on the technic of the Roland^ cf. Seel-
mann. Bibliographie des altfranzosischen Rolandsliedes (Heilbronn, 1888),
pp. 52—54. I have been unable to procure several of the monographs
there enmnerated ; therefore I may be only repeating facts set forth long-
ago. It is certain, however, that it is time for fresh insistence upon
those facts.

^ These technical terms, as well as others of similar nature, I take
from A College Manual of Rhetoric (New York, 4th ed.), by Professor C. S.
Baldwin of Yale Universitj".

* Le Roman de Rojtcevaux traduit en Francais (Dijon, 1840), p. 76.

^ Das Verhdlttiis des franzosischen Rolandsliedes zur Turpinschen Chronik iind
ztcm Carmen de Prodicione Gitenotiis (Eostock, 1905), pp. 61—70, ef passim.

^ The critics of the Roland in this respect are too many to enumerate.
The list includes authoritative names : Scholle, Zeitschrift f. roman. Philol.,
iv, 215—221 ; Claston Paris, Extraits de la Chanson de Roland^ pp. xxvi— xxvii ;
Grober. La Chanso^i de Roland d'aprcs le Mamiscrit d' Oxford (numbers 53
and 54 of the Bihliotheca Romanica).^ pp. 9—10. Now and then, however,
alleged inconsistencies and impossibilities have been denied : cf . Lindner,
Romanische Forschjtngeji. vii. .566—568 ; Stengel, Zeitschrift f. roman. Philol..
viii, 499-521.

' 18.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XV. 8 July, 1909.

114 F. B. Liiqiiiens,

Charles, Ganelon responds no, for that force is only capable of
defeating the rearguard^ So that the end of the matter is like
the commencement — Marsila has no host wherewith he ma}- give
Charles battle. Here is another ' inconsistency,' typical of many.
What man in his senses — say the critics — would act as Ganelon
did at Marsila's covirt — first risking his life by delivering Charles'
imperious message, then abjectly playing the traitor. 2 The}- seem
not to realize that Ganelon was not in his senses, that he was
crazed by jealousy. They do not or will not understand the poet,
who shows clearly that Ganelon was a brave man, 3 and would
have been a good man,^ save for the one fatal flaw in his character
— jealousy. 5 Jealousy blinded him to honor. Thus blinded, he
easily argued himself into believing that vengeance inflicted upon
Roland did not constitute treachery to Charles. From beginning to
end he was faithful — he thought — to Charles "^ ; and not treacherous
even to Koland — for had he not warned the latter ? had he not form-
ally defied him in the presence of the whole court ? ^ In what, then,
is his character inconsistent ? Finally, here is an ' impossibilit}'.' It is
impossible, contends Tavernier, in his Zur Vorgeschichte des altfran-
zQsischen Rolandsliedes,^ that Blancandrin should have delayed in-
forming Marsila of the traitor's real intentions. Why impossible?
Several explanations offer themselves readily. For example, the wily
counsellor may have thought his despondent sovereign to be in
need of some violent excitant. But even granting that the poet
has here indulged in an ' impossibility,' shall we not excuse, nay,
commend him, in consideration of the artistic results he has thereby
attained ? His procedure is explicitly sanctioned by no less an
authority than Aristotle.^' Thus, in one way or another, critics of
O's unity may l^e answered.

1 .563-59.5. 2 42.5-660.

^ Ganelon's bravery is Avell set forth by Professor W. W. Comfort,
Publications of the Modern Language Association of America^ xxi, 336—345.

* If the poet bad not considered Ganelon a good man — except for his
fatal jealousy — lie would not have written vv. 342-.365.

' Graevell, Die Characteristik der Personen im Rolandslied (Heilbronn,
1880), p. 122, insists on the jealousy of Ganelon. It is the natural jeal-
ousy of a stepfather envious of bis stepson's greater fame : v. .308 is the
key to Ganelon's character.
. « 3760 and 3778.

' 287 and 3775-3777.

** Berlin, 1903. The contention cited is on p. 23.

'•* Poetics, xxiv, paragraphs 8—10.

Chanson dc Roland. 115

I said above that the unity of O was ' practically ' perfect. I used
the adverb because I acknowledge one inconsistenc}'. In v. 2357
Roland is described as dying " desuz un pin." In v. 2375 the same
statement is made. But in v. 2874 Charles finds Roland lying " desuz
dous arbres." The background of the hero's death has been de-
scribed so vividly that the reader cannot but be offended by this
alteration of an important detail. May not this alteration, however,
be attributed to some copyist ? Three considerations make such
attribution plausible : (1) it is O's only instance of a slip of this
kind! ; (2) mediaeval copyists were prone to such errors — it is sur-
prising that there are not many more of them in O ; (3) the line
in which it occurs shows other evidence of having been tampered
with— it is incomplete, the last words having been erased.

Coherence, also, is evident throughout the Oxford manuscript.
Each stage of it leads naturally, inevitably, to the next. This is
not only true of the longer stages into which the poem separates, it
is practically so of the shortest ; that is, of the strophes. With very
few exceptions the strophes grow out of, and into, one another.
It will be more convenient to illustrate the coherence of the longer
stages IdcIow, for we intend, when we arrive at the discussion of
their composition, to exemplify their excellence not only as units,
but as component units. As to the coherence of the strophes, it
would be futile to give an illvistration, for whoever desires one needs
only to open the Oxford manuscript at random.

There are, however, three passages in O which are exceptions
to the general rule of coherence. The fact that there are only three
is an argument for attributing them to copyists ; but not, in itself
alone, a final argument, for our French Homer may well have nodded
three times. Let us see if there is confirmatory evidence. The
first passage, vv. 761—765, is not in any of the extant redactions
except O : almost all editors have therefore attributed it, withovit
further ado, to O's copyist. The second passage, vv. 1406-1411,
not only contains other technical faults unusual in 0, 2 but also

• It would be liypercritioal, it seems to me, to class v. 877 and v. 3958
with the faulty verse discussed above. In these verses the numbers are
more effective, from the artistic point of view, than the arithmetically
correct numbers would be.

- These faults are (1) the inartistic precision of the prophecy : cf. infra.,
p. 120 ; (2) the padded line. v. 1408 : cf. infra, p. 124. Furthermore, the
division of vv. 1396—1411 into two strophes is significant ; there is only
one other instance in O of this metrical error : vv. 3780—3792.

116

F. B. Luquieus,

shows a ling-uistic peculiarit}" which has led various scholars to
consider at least a part of it as an interpolation. ^ The third pas-
sage, vv. 3695—3704, is in a strqphe which was surely retouched
by the interpolator of the Baligant Episode. All three, then, ma}'
be plausibly attributed to copyists.

The Oxford manuscript also possesses emphasis. The various
chapters — if we may use this term — into which the poem naturall)'
separates, are proportioned as to both length and intensit}'. hi this
latter respect O is especially artistic. The successive chapters are
like waves, each one beginning slowl}', then accumulating more
and more force and altitude, finally breaking with a crash ; for a
time these waves, as of an incoming tide, rise ever higher ; that
of the climactic chapter is the highest ; then, the tide of the action
having turned, the}' break lower, more softly.''^ hi short, emphasis
is obtained by both horizontal and vertical proportion.

So much for the cardinal technical virtues of the Oxford manu-
script. Minor virtues are not wanting. For example, symmetry is

1 Cf. Miiller's edition of the Roland (1878), p. 133; and SclioUe, Zcft-
schrift f. rovian. Philol.^ i, 27, Note 4.

- Tlie artistry of the intensity-proportions can be fnlly realized only
by those who read the poem from beginning to end. The artistry of
the length-proportions can be shown in the form of a synoptic table.
In the following table we present the substance of each of the chapters
into which the poem naturally separates, in the form of a title.

Number of Lines Final Line

Introduction 9

I. The Council of Marsila 86

II. The Quarrel of Roland and Ganelon . 270

III. The Treachery 294

IV. The Rearguard 180

V. Before the Battle 347

VI. The First Encounter 249

VII. The Second Encounter 252

VIII. The Horn 161

IX. The Last Stand

X. The Punishment of the Paynims

XI. Aude ' . .

XII. The Punishment of Ganelon . .
Conclusion

545
251

29
240

14

9

95

365

660

840

1187

1437

1690

1850

2396

3704

3733

3974

4002

Total .... 2927

Since is sometimes uncertain in its lineation, I have used Grober's
edition for the above calculations.

Chanson dc Roland. 117

to be found everywhere.^ It is obtained by the use of balance, or
b}' repetition, or by parallelism, or by what Professor F. M. Warren
has called ' transposed parallelism.' 2 All these devices were common
in Old French poetry. We wish to insist, not on their presence
in the Oxford text, but on the skiUful manner in which they are
used. 3 Whoever has read the Roland will acknowledge the artistry
of the balances : for example, the first strophe and the last strophe
deal, not with Roland at all, but with Charles, thus forming a frame
for the story ; twelve Paynim Peers threaten Roland before the
battle — in the battle they are humbled in corresponding sequence-^;
l^efore the battle Oliver begs Roland to wind his horn — later he up-
braids Roland for desiring to wind his horn.^ No less artistically are
handled the devices of repetition, parallelism, and transposed paral-
lelism. They are used to emphasize some important fact,^ or remark ; ''
to interlink successive strophes or strophe-groups ^ ; to make, as it were,
a setting for some stage of the action ; ^ to accentuate the balance

^ Cf. Taveriiier, Zur Vorgeschichie dcs altfrauzosischen RolandsUedes (Berlin,
1903), p. 217.

•>■ Modern Philology (October, 1905), pp. 1-3; (April, 1906), p. 8.

^ Craston Paris, Histoirc Poctique dc Charlemagne (Paris, 1905), p. 24,
coiitends that repetition in Old Prencli epic poetry " n'est pas un artifice
vouln." This is perhaps true of a great deal of Old French epic poetry,
but not, in my opinion, of the Roland.

* 860-993 = 1188-1337.

5 1049-1081 = 1702-173G.

« 617 = 627 = 634 ; 661 = 669 ; 702 = 706 ; 717 = 737 ; 917 = 932 ; 1169
= 1187 ; 1448 = 1450 = 1630 ; 1967 = 2057 = 2070 = 2129 ; 2184 = 2200 ;
2357 = 2375 ; 2358 = 2876 ; 2475 = 2487 ; 3870 = 3882. Especially clever
is the correspondence between v. 1244 and v. 1642 ; thereby the intrans-
igence of the Church is emphasized.

' 249 = 261 ; 299 = 288 ; 370 and 375 = 377 and 381 = 392 and 396
(notice the equidistance between the members of these three pairs). Especi-
ally notable is the correspondence between v. 308 and v. 314 ; how
effective it is, yet how simple and natural !

* To enumerate the lines forming such links would be futile, for their
name is legion ; the first instance is vv. 6 and 7 = 10. Because of them
the poem possesses the consistency of a hauberk — it is sti'ong. though
flexible. Note especially 2906-2908 and 2930-2932, which bind together
two sets of ' laisses similaires.'

9 365 = 660, setting off Ganelon's embassy ; 841 =^ 1404, setting off the
beginning of the battle. The latter correspondence is still more effective
if we consider 1406—1411 to be an interpolation (cf. supra., pp. 115—116).

118 F. B. Luquicns,

of two pendants, i They are often used to constitute a sort of re-
frain. 2 They are used, in combination, where Homer would ha\-e
used only exact and complete repetition — in the three statements
of Marsila's message. ^ Finally, they are used with especial skill in
the so-called ' laisses similaires.' * Whatever be their origin and
development as devices of Old French poetry — note that I have
not committed myself on these points — it cannot be denied that
in the Oxford manuscript they are used with technical proficienc}'.
In spite of the pervasive symmetr}', however, variet}- is every-
where. Notice, for example, the many different phrases by which
Charles is described.^ Notice, to select only one of many such
instances, the handling of the phrase " jo Ten conquis " in vv. 2322,
2323, 2324, 2325, 2327, 2331, 2333; a practised orator could do no
better. Compare the descriptions of the first and second encounters ^ '•
in the first the Franks are victorious in ever}' combat — in the second
only in alternate combats ; in the first the Franks fight with spears "'■
— in the second with swords ^ ; in the first the warriors' steeds are
vmnoticed— in the second five are named and described.^ And

* For example, when the Paynim Peers are making tlieir boastful
threats, Marsila's nephew alone prophesies that he will slay Roland with
his spear (v. 867)— he is slain by Roland's spear (v. 1202) ; Chernubles
prophesies that his sword will conquer Durendal (v. 988) — he is the ih'st
Paynim to be slain by Durendal (v. 1324) ; of. also v. 866 and v. 1211.

- With especial skill in the following three passages : (1) The Threats
of the Paynim Peers— note particularly vv. 935 and 930 and 971 ; (2) The
First Encounter— note particularly vv. 1234 and 1260, 1274 and 1280 and
1288, 1296 and 1303 ; (3) The Second Encounter— note particularly vv. 1501
and 1.536, 1561 and 1585 and 1609.

3 vv. 62-88 = 122-156 = 180-192. It seems to me that in this respect
the Roland is more artistic than the Iliad.

* The device of ' laisses similaires ' is discussed in detail iiifra.^ pp. 122—
123, so I refrain from citation hei-e.

M, 16. 28, 52, 70, 81, 94, 116, et passim.

« 1188-1337 and 1648-1609 (the seeming incorrectness of these latter
figures is due to Stengel's numeration).

■^ 1204, 1229, 1250, 1273, 1287, 1295. In this encounter swords are
brought into plaj^ on^b^ at the very end (1324).

* 1507, 1540. In this encounter the phrase " pleine sa hanste " is used
only twice (1498, 1534), each time of Paynims.

» 1649, 1491, 1528, 1554, 1572. In the fh-st encounter the only mention
of steeds occurs in 1379—1380, and there the desci"iption characteristic of
the second encounter is totally lacking. Notice the artistic diversity of
1492, 1529, 1555, 1573.

CItansuii dc Roland. 119

although in the course of the two encounters a score of combats
are fought, no two are ahke. Sameness, monoton}-, have no place
in the Oxford manuscript.

Up to this point we have been discussing the composition of
the Oxford manviscript in its entiret}- : let us now turn to the com-
position of its parts ; and, first, of the chapters into which it naturall}-
separates. 1 These are, most of them, perfect as units, and also as
component units, for each one leads naturally and inevitably to the
next. Let us analyse, as illustrative of our contentions, the first
and second chapters. The first, The Council of Marsila, is short,
but intense — the reader is caught up in a whii'lwind at the ver}-
outset. The initial strophe describes the Paynim camp, picturing
vividly its desperation. The next two are a pair of perfectly exe-
cuted '■ laisses similaires,' 2 setting forth Blancandrin's plan, a plan
to be carried through even though the dearest lives be sacrificed.
The next two, containing Marsila's instructions to the messengers,
form another pair of ' laisses similaires.' The double use of this
device at the very beginning of the poem — be it noted there is
not another instance of it for almost five hundred lines ^ — seems
intentional ; the poet was doubtless making ever}- effort to gain
immediate attention. The next strophe, a very short one, brings
the messengers to the camp of Charles, and ends with the line of
foreboding :

Nes poet guarder que alques ne Tengignent.*

Thus ends the chapter.

The next chapter. The Quarrel of Roland and Ganelon, grows
out of that which we have just summarised. Its first line,

Li empereres se fait et balz et liez,

recalls the line of foreboding just quoted. Anxiety is immediately en-
gendered in the reader's mind — Charles needs cunning, not confidence
—and this anxiety becomes more and more intense throughout the
chapter. Through a succession of nineteen strophes the action steadil}-
increases in rapidit}' : the first strophe presents the picture of Charles'
confident and joyful camp, a clever contrast with the court of Mar-

1 Cf. supra, p. 116, Note ±

2 Cf. infra, pp. 122-123.

3 The next instance is 520—562.

* For the convenience of readers of this article, I have suppUed niv
quotations from O witli punctuation, and made several obvious ortlio-
gi'apliic corrections.

120 F. B. Luquiens,

sila ; then follows the deliberate presentation of Marsila's message ;
then the calling of the fatal council ; then, as a climax, the dramatic
quarrel. It is significant of the poet's skill that in the last part of
the chapter short strophes are used freely, whereby the action
attains additional rapidity.^ After the climax there is just one strophe.
It describes the departure of Ganelon for the Paynim court, ending
with the words :

Entret en sa veie, si s'est achiminez.
The chapter is well ended — the next one is well anticipated.

I have said that most of the chapters are perfectly composed.
To be definite, all but one are so. This one exception shows
several flaws : let us see if they may be plausibly attributed to
copyists.

That chapter which I have called The Rearguard contains two
minor imperfections. The first is the strophe consisting of vv.
725-736. The technical sins of this strophe are : (1) that it is not
necessary ^ ; (2) that it is not clear. The second minor imperfection
of the chapter is the strophe consisting of vv. 803-813. Here the
sins may be enumerated as follows: (1) the strophe is not neces-
sary ; (2) it is not clear ; (3) it contains two padded lines 3 ; (4) it
contains a prophecy of exceeding prosiness :

Gualtiers desrenget les destreiz et les tertres,
N'en descendrat pur malvaises nuveles,
Enceis qu'en seient VII C espees traites.
Reis Almaris del regne de Belfeme
Une bataille lur livrat le jur pesme.

The technical flaws of these two strophes are to a certain extent
proofs of their spuriousness. For example, it is hardly probable
that the prophecy just quoted was written by the same man w'ho
prophesied the death of Roland in the following words :

. . . prient Deu qu'il guarisset Rollant,

Jusque il viengent el camp cumunement ;

Ensembr od lui i ferrunt veirement.

De go qui calt? Car ne lur valt nient.

Demurent trop, n'i poedent estre a tens.'*

1 Cf. nifra, p. 122.

- At least, it is iniinitely less necessary than 717—724 ; cf . 8.35-837.

3 808 and 813.

* 1837—1841. All of 0"s prophecies are of the same poetical nature
(cf. 9, 95, 179, 716, 8.59, 1405, 1806), except one (1408-1411), which is in
a strophe imputable in part to copyists (cf. sitpra^ p. 115, Note 2).

Chanson dc Roland. 121

We must acknowledge, however, that we have no contirmator}-
evidence of other than technical nature, ^ as we had for the three
technical flaws cited on pp. 115-116. We must be content to reiter-
ate our feeling that the two strophes in question are very dissonant
with the greater part of O, and to point to the fact that the second,
at least, is quite consonant with the habits of mediaeval cop}'ists :
suppose a scribe desirous of currying favor with some descendant
of Gualtier, or a retoucher of logical bent, worried by the promin-
ence of Roland's liegeman at the end of the battle, and the pres-
ence of vv. 803-813 in O is explained.

But beside these minor imperfections there is one of much greater
consequence : vv. 792-798. These lines are the climactic lines of
the chapter, for in them we learn that the Twelve Peers are to
remain in Roncesvalles. Yet only eight of them are named; and,
what is worse, two comparatively unimportant names are inter-
mingled. The climactic effect is missed. But it is evident, in m}'
opinion, that the original list of vv. 792-798 corresponded exactly
to that of vv. 2402-2409 ; for compare v. 794 with v. 2404, v. 795
with V. 2405, vv. 796-797 with vv. 2408-2409. The faulty list
is sural}' due to the carelessness of a copyist. ^

The strophes of the Oxford manuscript are as well composed as
the chapters. With very few exceptions, they possess unity, cohe-
rence, emphasis. With very few exceptions, they are perfect not
only as units, but also as component units. Illustration would be
futile ; let us discuss the exceptions alone. The first is vv. 1404-
1411. But this strophe is imputable to a copyist.^ The second is
vv. 1593-1627. That a copyist has meddled here has been the
opinion of almost all Roland editors.* The last is vv. 2083-2098.
Here our position is similar to that which we took above in regard
to vv. 803-813; we feel it is very improbable that a strophe with
three such miserable lines as 2090, 2096, 2098 is genuine ^ ; and
we note that vv. 2095-2098 are of the kind to which mediaeval
copyists were prone.

1 I hesitate to accept the arguments of Donges, 1. c, p. 39, Note 65.
But the mere fact that lie suspects vv. 725— 73G, is perhaps not without
value as a confirmation of my view.

- If I interpret correctly Miiller's remark on p. 75 of his edition (1878).
lie held tliis view.

3 Cf. supra, pp. 115-116.

* Cf. Mullers edition (1878), p. 160; and Stengel's edition, pp. 170-171.

■■^ Cf. mfra, p. 124.

122 F. B. Luqiiicns,

Before leaving- the strophes, we must discuss two special uses to
which O puts them. The first is a device which might be called
the ' short -strophe group.' The average number of lines in O's
strophes is fourteen ; therefore ten lines or fewer would surely im-
press the hearer as a ' short strophe.' There are sixty-six such
strophes in the manviscript. Of these, forty-two are scattered, but
the remaining twenty-four constitute four almost equal groups. ^
When we examine the content of these groups, we must conclude
that in each instance the choice of short strophes, rather than long,
was intentional. In one instance, the last part of the first encounter,
the device obviates monotony ; in the other three, the quarrel of
Roland and Ganelon, the swearing of the treachery, the duel of
Pinabel and Thierri, it helps to obtain the rapidity requisite to
dramatic effect.

The other special use to which O puts its strophes is the device
known as ' laisses similaires.' ' Laisses similaires ' ma}' be defined
as two or more successive strophes presenting the same matter in
similar manner. It is obvious that here technical perfection will
consist partly in a proportioned combination of similarity and dissim-
ilarity — there must be as much of the latter as is possible without
lessening the prominence of the former ; and partly in the attainment
of what may be called an ' incremental ' 2 eifect — each successive
strophe must either advance the action, or augment the intensity,
of the preceding strophe. As an illustration of these points let us
analyse the three ' laisses similaires ' in which Oliver begs Roland
to summon aid. 3 In each strophe Oliver begs his friend to wind
his horn, so that Charles may turn back ; Roland refuses, giving a
reason for his refusal ; adding that he prefers to wield his sword,
and ending with the prophecy that all the Paynims shall die. Note
that in this summary there was one indefinite phrase— ' giving a
reason for his refusal.' This reason, the most important part of each

1 317-341 ; 596-660 ; 1261-1319 ; 3850-3933. lu three of these groui^s
are interspersed some sti'oplies of more than ten lines ; the latter are not
of sufficient length, however, to prevent the groups from being felt as such.

- Although I am not discussing the origin of the device of ' laisses
similaires,' I choose the word ' incremental,' because it points to the
possibility that their repetition is somehow allied to the ' incremental
repetition' of popular ballads. As to the origin of the device, cf. Die-
trich, Romanische Forschjingcn^ i, 1—48 ; Nordfelt, Les Coiiplcts Siimlaires dans
la vieillc Epopee Fran^aisc. Stockholm, 1893.

3 1049-1081.

CliaiisoJi dc Roland. 123

strophe, not only changes in each, but is each time more striking.
In the hrst strophe Roland answers :

En dulce France en perdreie mmi los.

In the second his reason is less selfish, more noble :

. . . Ne placet damne Deu
Que mi parent pur mei seient blasmet,
Ne France dulce ja chieet en viltet !

In the third he utters one of the most effective lines of the whole
poem :

Ne placet Deu, co li respunt Rollanz,
Que CO seit dit de nul hume vivant
Eiiipi4r^ paien que ja seic cornant\
Ja n'en avrunt reproece mi parent !

When we thus analyse the other instances of ' laisses similaires '
in O, — there are in all sixteen- — we find only one which is tech-
nically bad. 3 This instance occurs during the recovintal of Ganelon's
embassy. In the first of three strophes Marsila asks Ganelon when
Charles will grow weary of war : Ganelon avoids a direct answer,
and extols his Emperor. In the second Marsila repeats his quer}-;
this time Ganelon responds that Charles will not tire of war while
Roland lives. But in the third strophe there is no increment of an)-
kind. One of the last two strophes is therefore technically de trop.
Comparison of the two, however, shows plainly that one of them
— probably the first — was a sort of metrical experiment on the part
of some copyist. The matter has been discussed so man}' times
that I need not enter into detail.^

^ Cf. Miiller's edition, note on v. 1075.

2 24-ei ; 62-88 ; 620-562 ; 563-595 ; 617-633 ; 1017-1038 ; 1049-1081 ;
1702-1736 ; 1753-1795 ; 1796-1850 ; 1952-1977 ; 2297-2354 ; 2355-2396 ;
2881-2908 ; 2909-2944 ; 3750-3779. One of these instances (1753-1795)
is well analysed by Dietrich, 1. c, pp. 6-8. It is probable that in the
original poem vv. 1396—1405 and vv. 1412—1437 constituted a pair of ' laisses
siniilaires ' (cf. supra^ pp. 115—116) ; if so, they were technical^ excellent.
— As many scholars have noticed, the laisses similaires of O are used
only at important points of the action — another fact significant of the
poet's artistry.

3 520-562.

* Cf. Kambeau, IJber die ah echt iiachweisharcn Assonanzen des Ox/order
Textes der Chaiisofz de Roland (Halle, 1878), p. 128 ; Ottmann, Die Stelhtng von
V 4 in der tjberliefei-ung des altfranzosischen Rolaiidsliedes (Heilbronn, 1879),

124 F. B. Liiqiiiens,

It only remains for us to point out the technical excellence of
the individual lines of the Oxford manuscript. To me their con-
sistent artistry seems undeniable. I feel that there is not the slight-
est exaggeration in the words of Gaston Paris i : " On peut lire trois
cents vers de la Chanson de Roland sans y trouver un mot a re-
trancher, pas une cheville, aucune concession a la rime : tout est
plein, nerveux et solide ; le tissu est serre, le metal de bon aloi."
Yet some think otherwise. An eminent German scholar- uses the
phrase " manch matter Vers " — hvA. does not give examples. Taver-
nier (1. c, p. 26) is more definite : he considers as padded lines all
those containing hendiadys. This is unjust, for hendiadys may be
used artistically, as well as inartisticall}'. Tennyson's

And lost to life and use and name and fame . . .

has never been branded as a padded line.^ And none but Dr. Ta-
vernier has ever before applied the epithet to such lines of the
Roland as :

Serez ses horn par honur et par bien . . .

or:

N'i ad celui ki mot sunt ne mot tint.

I trust most students of the Roland will accord with me in hoping
that none ever will again.

There are, however, some bad lines in O. Following is a list of
those which are surely so: vv. 249, 644, 8o8, 8ij, 1357, 1386, 140S,
1417, 1439, 2067, 2ogo, 2og6, 2098, j688, j6(ji, jjoj, 3796. But
more than half of these lines — those which are italicised — are in
strophes which we have already attributed to copyists, a fact which
constitutes additional evidence of the spuriousness of those strophes.
There remain eioht which must be considered as o:enuine — eiefht

pp. 26— 27 ; Stengel, L?feraf7irb/aff /. ^. ?/. r. PhiloL, i, column 105 ; Persch-
mann, Die Stellung von O in der Uberlicfci-iing dcs altfranzosischen Rolands-
liedes (Marburg, 1881), p. 19 ; Passbender, Die franzdsischcn RolandJmiid-
schriften in ihreni Verhdltnis zii einander imd zur Karlajnagnitssaga (Kolll,
1887), pp. 7-8. Only two Roland students — as far as I know— have ever
considered both strophes genuine : Dietrich, 1. c, p. 40, Note 1 ; Tavernier,
1. c, p. 58, Note 110. Neither gives sound arguments for this contention.

1 Histoire Poc'tiqzie dc Charletnagne (Paris, 1905), p. 24.

- Poerster, Zdtschrift f. roman. PhiloL, ii, 163.

* If we should adopt Tavernier's criterion, we should have to deny
excellence to many well known lines of Tennyson. Cf. Dyboski, Tettny-
sons Spmdic nnd Stil (Wien, 1907), pp. 200-203.

Chanson dc Roland. 125

out of a total of 2927 ! Even though a more severe critic should
triple the list.i he would not be justified in contendincr that O lacks
consistent technical excellence of line.

I hope that the foregoing exposition has rendered clear the nature
of the Oxford manuscript's technic. If so, I may consider m}- thesis
— that the original Chanson de Roland was a poem of marked and
consistent technical excellence — as proved.^ Let us turn to the dis-
cussion of several important Roland problems which may be satis-
factorily solved by means of it.

* * *

The tirst problem which confronts an editor of the Roland is of
course that of the interrelations of the manuscripts ; in other words,
the elaboration of a stemma. In the present writer's opinion, how-
ever, whoever attempts this for the Roland will find himself, sooner
or later, in an impasse, from which the usual methods of the study
of manuscripts will not help him to emerge. He will first discover
that no perfect stemma is here attainable. He will then narrow
the number of possible stemmata to two, the onl}^ two which have
resulted from a half-century and more of investigation on the part
of Roland scholars. But here he will find himself at a standstill,
for between the two there is no choice. They both show the same
number of flaws, and the exponent of either can explain the flaws
of his stemma by the theory that certain of the manuscripts are
' Mischhandschriften,' or by supposing that some of the scribes who
wrote them knew the poem, at least portions of it, by heart.^ Un-

^ It seems to me impossible that auy unjirejudiced critic should more
than triple the list.

* Why should this thesis surprise us as much as it does ? In eleventh-
century France were generating the principles of Grothic architecture : is
it strange that a French writer of that time should possess a w^onderful
instinct for sti'ucture?

' The complete bibliographj- of the manuscript problem is too extensive
to be given here : cf . Seelmann, Bibliographie dcs altfranzdsischen Rolands-
liedes (Heilbronn, 1888), pp. 73—77. Tollowing are the most prominent
exponents of one or the other stemma : (1) of the ' Oxford stemma ' (cf.
infra^ p. 126) : Ottmann, Die Stellung von V 4 in der Ubcrliefei-jmg dcs alt-
franzosischen Rolandsliedes, Heilbronn, 1879 ; Scholle, (a) Zeitschrift f. roma7t.
PhiloL. iv. 7—34 ; (b) ibid. 195—222 ; (c) Der Stajumbaum der altfranzosischen
-iind altiiordischen Uberliefern7igen des Rola?zdsliedes^ Berlin, 1889 ; Pakscher,
Ztir Krifik tind Geschichte des franzosischen Rolandsliedes, Berlin, 1885 ; Fass-
bender, Die franzosischen Rolandhandschriften in ihrem Verhdltnis zn einandcr
jind ziir Karlamagnussaga., Koln, 1887 ; and especially Miiller, (a) in the

126

F. B. Liiquiens,

luckily, however, the two possible stemmata are radicall}' different ;
it is imperative that one of them be proved the better. Our thesis,
if conceded, solves the question.

Before proceeding to the discussion of this point, however, let us
recall the chief features of the manuscript dilemma. Here are the
two possible stemmata (for the meanings of x and x', cf. supra, p. 112 ;
x" and x'" = lost intermediaries ; V 4 = the manuscript of the Li-
brary of San Marco in Venice) ^ :

The Oxford Stemma
x

The Redactions Stemma
x

O V4

all other
extant redactions

all other
extant redactions
(inclusive of V4)

There may have been intermediate manuscripts, now lost, between
X and x', between x' and O, etc. ; but the question of the existence
and number of such intermediaries is not so important as that of
the amovmt of difference between x and x', between x' and O, etc.
— these various amounts of difference are represented by the various

introductio2i of his second edition of the Roland, Gottingen, 1878 ; (b) Zeit-
schrift f. roman. PhiloL, iii, 439—452 : (2) of the ' redactions stemma ' :
Ram.beau, tjber die ah echt nach-weishare^i Assonanzeii des Oxf order Textes der
Chanson de Roland, Halle, 1878, pp. 10—17 ; Toerster, Zeitschrift f. roman.
Philol., ii, 162—180 ; Perschmann, Die Stelhing von O iti der Vherlieferung
des altfranzosischen Rolandsliedes, in Stengel's Attsgaben und Abhandbingeii aus
dem Gebiete der roman. Philol., iii, 1—48 ; and especially Stengel, (a) Ver-
handlungen der fiinfiindvierzigsteii Versanimlung Deutscher Philologen rtnd Schtil-
mdnner in Bremen vom 26. his 2g. September j88p, pp. 132—133 ; (b) in the
introduction of his edition of the Roland, Leipzig, 1900.

^ For complete stemmata, cf. Zeitschrift f. roman. Philol., ii, 163—164;
and Fassbender, 1. c, p. v.

Chanson de Roland, 127

lengths of the Hnes x— x', x'— O, etc. Notice, then, that the stem-
mata show two radical differences : (1) in the one, O constitutes a
family in itself — in the other, O and V4 constitute a family ; (2) in
the one, O, of all the extant redactions, is by far the closest to
X' — in the other all the extant redactions are about equidistant
from x'. Because of these two differences I have called the one
the ' Oxford stemma,' the other the ' redactions stemma.'

Now, if the original Chanson de Roland— iha.t is, x — was a poem
of marked and consistent technical excellence, a stemma which
results in the reconstruction of an x of poor technic is incorrect.
Let us then cease testing the two exasperating stemmata themselves,
and turn to the examination of their results ; that is, of reconstructions
based upon them. No one has ever attempted the reconstruction
of X— for the reason stated infra, p. 135 — but several scholars have
essayed that of x'. Their texts will serve our purpose as well as
wovild texts of X, inasmuch as x' — for reasons similar to those urged
in the case of x — was a poem of marked and almost consistent
technical excellence.^ I propose, then, to examine two reconstructions
of x', one of them based on the Oxford stemma, the other on the
redactions stemma : the second edition (1878) of Theodor Miiller,
and the edition of Edmund Stengel.^ I believe that I can show
that Miiller's text possesses marked and almost consistent technical
merit, that Stengel's possesses many technical imperfections — in
which event I shall have proved the correctness of the Oxford
stemma.3

' Cf. siij>ra, p. 112.

- Needless to say that these two are the most prominent of the manj?-
editions of the poem.

* As I have already said {supra^ p. 112, Note 2), it is barely possible that
the technical excellence of O was due to some lost intermediary between
x' and it. In that case my arguments against' Stengel's stemma are
invalidated. But if Stengel's stemma — that is, the redactions stemma — is
correct, we have the unparalleled phenomenon of x', a poem of many
technical imperfections, having been reduced, merely by skiUful cutting,
to x'", a poem of marked and consistent technical excellence. Although
it is ti-ue that some— not many— mediaeval poems were improved by
retouchers, the phenomenon of a poem having been considerably short-
ened is, I think, unparalleled. Furthermore, Stengel's stemma, if correct,
involves several very improbable conclusions : for example, we must con-
clude that the scribe of O had the exceedingly good taste to leave intact
the greater part of x'", and, at the same time, the exceedingly bad taste
to reintroduce some of the worst technical imperfections of x', such as

128 F. B. Luqiiiens,

Miiller's text is practically the Oxford manuscript. Therefore it
possesses, of course, marked and almost consistent technical ex-
cellence. Let us turn to the examination of Stengel's text.i

The fact that Stengel's supposed x' contains over six hundred
more lines than O, arouses at the outset suspicions of lack of technic.
His text tells the same story as is told by O, but uses about five
thousand more words in doing so. This smacks of the poetaster.^

Our suspicions are confirmed b}^ closer examination. Considered
in its entirety, first, Stengel's text shows lack of emphasis, hi O,
it will be remembered, emphasis is due to the proportionate lengths,
and to the proportionate intensities, of the various natural chapters.
But in Stengel's text The Quarrel of Roland and Ganelon, and The
Treachery, are awkwardly combined into one chapter ^ ; and The

vv. 537—549, and the Baligaut Episode. — Even if Stengel's stemma is
correct, however, our arguments against it remain justified in spirit, if
not in letter ; for tliej^ help to prove that the reconstruction of x'", not
that of x', nor even that of x, is the most important task of Roland study.

^ I feel that it "would be ■wrong not to acknowledge emphatically the
extent of my indebtedness, in common with all Roland students, to Professor
Stengel. It may be said of his edition that it is at the same time the
most useful, and the most harmful, of books dealing with the Roland \
It is invaluable, and always will be, because of the mass of critical
material ■which it supplies in convenient form. It is harmful because,
in sjHte of its author's own doubts as to its finality (cf. Verhandhmgen
dcr fiinfundvierzigsten Vcrsaminhing Detitscher Philologen tind Schiilmdnner in
Bremen^ p. 133), it is no"w generally accepted as the authoritative text of
the Roland : upon it are based practically all Roland studies of the past
decade. And an English translation of it has lately appeared, which
w^ill give to general readers a very -wrong idea of the Roland [The Song
of Roland neivly translated into English by Jessie Crosland with an Introduction
by Professor L. M. Branding London, 1907).

2 In this connection I cajinot refrain from quoting a passage from an
essay in the Fortnightly Revie-iv for November, 1906, bj' C. F. Keary. The
unpoeticalness of redundancy does not need confirmation, but the appli-
cability of Mr. Keary's remarks to the question in hand is striking. " A
redundancy of words is the most unpardonable of all faults in versifi-
cation. It is almost always such redundancy that marks off the poet-
aster from the poet. We may ez'en say that when there are many words em-
ployed — although they cannot fairly be called red^tndant — the Mnse is ift a pe-
destrian vein^ The italics are mine.

'^ For the shift of v. 365 involves the obliteration of the dividing line
between the two chapters. Notice also that the correspondence of v. 365
and V. 660, pointed out snpra^ p. 117, Note 9, is no longer effective.

Cliousoii de Roland. 129

First Encounter and The Second Encounter are treated likewise ^ ;
with the result that horizontal proportion suffers. So does vertical
proportion, for many of the intense passages of O are here in-
effective, because of the presence of superfluous strophes or lines.-
If above we compared the action of O to a succession of ever
higher W'a\'es, we ma}- now compare that of Stengel's text to a
choppy sea.

Let us turn to the composition of the parts; and first, of the
chaj^ters. After what has been said just above, it is evident that
those chapters — whether there be two, or four, or five of them —
which treat of the quarrel, the treacher}', and the first and second
and third 3 encounters, are badly composed. Several others are just
as imperfect : that which treats of the choosing of the rearguard
is weakened, if not b}^ strophe Ixiv a, surely by Ixvi a — nothing
should intervene between v. 802 and v. 814 * ; that which treats of
the second horn-incident is spoiled by an execrable anticlimax —
strophe cxha, and especially vv. 1850v— 1850x; the chmactic chapter
is certainly weakened b}' strophes cxliia, cxliv a, cliva, clxii a, clxviiia^
the poet of O's original knew that throughout this chapter, of all
chapters, he must proceed rapidly in the straight and narrow path
of his story, but the hypothetical poet of Stengel's x' loitered on the
right hand and on the left. To sum up, then, Stengel's text presents
seven of the twelve chapters of the story in an impaired form.

Many of the strophes, also, show imperfect composition. Owing
to the presence of superfluous lines, or the shifting of important
lines, many of them lose unity, coherence, emphasis. This may be
best shown by parallel quotations from O and Stengel's x'.^ Here
are vv. 331-336:

1 By the insertion of sti'ophes cxi a, cxi b, and cxi c. The reader feels
vaguely that vv. 1188—1690 should be divided into t^^o, if not three
chapters, but lie finds no plain boundaries, as he does in O.

- For instance, the di'amatic ending of the quarrel, which is weakened
by the insertion of strophe xxv a and such lines as vv. 333a-333e; or
the splendid close of chapter vi, which is ruined hy strophe cxi a.

^ In Stengel's text tlrree encounters are described at length, a fact in
itself signiticant of the supposed poefs disregard of proportion. Moreover,
owing to the insistence on the third encounter, the second is no longei-
felt as a pendant to the first, and the similarities and dissimilarities of
the two lose their effectiveness (cf. supra., p. 118).

* Cf. {siipra, p. 120) the first technical sin of vv. 803-813.

* In each instance, however, in order fully to appreciate the perfection
of 0, and the imperfection of Stengel's text, the reader should examine
the context.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XV. 9 July, 1909.

130

F. B. Lnqiiiens,

O

Le empereres li tent sun guant le destre,
Mais li quens Guenes iloec ne volsist estre.
Quant le dut prendre, si li cait a tere.
DientFranceis : Deus, que purrat go estre !
De cest message nos avendrat grant perte.
Seignur, dist Guenes, vos en orrez noveles.

Here are vv. 342— 354 a:

Guenes li quens s'en vait a sun ostcl,
De guarnemenz se prent a cunreer,
De ses meillors que il pout recuvrer.
Esperuns d'or ad en ses piez fermez,
Ceint Murglies s'espee a sun costed,
En Tachebrun sun destrier est muntez,
L'estreu li tint ses uncles Guinemers.
La veisiez tant chevalier plorer,
Ki tuit li dient : Tant mare fustes, ber !
En la cort al rei mult i avez ested,
Noble vassal vos i solt hom clamer.
Ki go jugai que dousez aler,
Par Charlemagne n'iert guariz ne tensez.
Li quens Rollanz nel se doust penser,
Que estraiz estes de mult grant parented.
Enpres li dient : Sire, car nos menez !
(^o respunt Guenes : Ne placet damneDeu !
Mielz est que suls moerge que tant bon

chevalier.
En dulce France, seignur, vos en ircz,
De meie part ma muillier saluez,
E Pinabel, mun ami e mun per,
E Baldewin, mun filz que vos savez,
Et lui aidiez, et pur seignur le tenez.
Entret en sa veie, si s'est achiminez.

Stengel

Li emperere li tent sun guant le destre ;
E le baston por son message faire ;
Mais li quens Guenes iloec ne volsist estre,
Quant les dut prendre, li cairent a tere.
Franceis le veient, entr'els molt s'en

aaisent.
Por les reprendre Guenes a terre abaissc,
Tel honte en out, por un petit ne desve
Si prie de le glorios celeste.
La vie face eels quil jugierent perdre.
DientFranceis: " Deus, que purrat go estre?
(^o senefie grant dolor et grant perte."
" Seignur " dist Guenes " vos en orrez

noveles."

Guenes li quens s'en vait a sun ostel,
De guarnemenz se prent a cunreer
De ses meillors que il pout recuvrer ;
Esperuns d'or ad en ses piez fermez.
Ceint ad Murglais al senestre costed.
En Tachebrun sun destrier est muntez.
Sele ad d'argent et si frein sont doret,
Toz est coverz d'un molt riche cendel.
L'estreu li tint ses uncles Guinemers ;
Dient si home : " Sire, car nos menez ! "
(j'o respunt Guenes: "Ne placet damnedeu
Qu'en Sarragoce ensemble od mei allez [
Mielz est, suls moerge, que tant bon

bacheler.
Se sui ocis et vos dire I'orrez,
Por la meie anme messes faites chanter !
En dulce France, seignur, vos en irez.
De meie part ma muillier saliiez
E Pinabel mun ami e mun per
E Baldewin mun filz que vos savez,
Celui aidiez ses honors a guarder ! "
Puis entre en veie, si s'est achiminez.*
La veisiez tant chevalier plorer.
Plaignent et crient, quant en sont desevret ;
Dist I'uns a I'altre : " Tant mare fustes ber,
En la rei cort mult aviez ested ;

1 The shift of this line, as has already been pointed out {supra, p. 128,.
Note 3), weakens the strophe not only as a nnit, but also as a compo-
nent unit.

Chanson dc Rolajid. 131

Noble vassal vos i solt horn clamer.
Ki la t'enveie ja n'iert de nos amez,
Li quens Rollanz nel se doust penser ;
Car estraiz estes de si grant parented,
Que par Charlon n'iert guariz ne tensez,
Ne seit ocis o a honte livrez."

Analysis is unnecessary. So is further quotation, for whoever desires
may make any number of similar comparisons for himself ^

The device which we have called the short-strophe group- is
not handled skillfully in Stengel's text. In those passages which
describe the quarrel and the treachery it is conspicuous by its
absence.^

The device of ' laisses similaires ' is handled very unskillfully by
Stengel's poetaster. There are nineteen instances of the device in
his Roland, and seven of them are imperfect.'* Examine, for example
Stengel's ' laisses similaires ' in which Oliver begs Roland to summon
aid.'' It will be remembered that they are technicall}' perfect in O.^
But here the contrary is true. In the first place, there are five
strophes, obviously too man}' : a poet would need to be very skillful
to repeat himself effectively five times." In the second place, the
last two are exceedingly trite. Finally, in the last three there is
no increment : the striking exclamation — that Roland will not wind
his horn for Paynims — occurs, to be sure, in the third strophe ; but
it has already occurred in the first, and occurs again in the fourth.

^ Following are the worst strophes in the first 660 lines : ix, xxii, xxiii,
XXV, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxxi, xxxiv, xxxix, xliii, xlvii, xlviii, 1, lii. It
is needless to cite further.

- Snpra^ p. 122.

' It cannot be answered that, owing to the greater length of Stengel's
text, its short strophes are necessarily longer than those of O. The
average length of Stengel's strophes — fifteen lines — is practically equi-
valent to that of O's sti'ophes.

* The imperfect instances are: 520-562 d; 563- 595 a; 1049-1092;
1396-1437 dd; 1482o-1482zz ; 1610- 1627 p ; 1796-1850x. There are be-
sides three passages Avhicli perhaps are 'laisses similaires' (1737—17521;
1851— 1868n; 2146-21631); this loose use of the device is significant of
the supposed author's lack of technical skill.

5 1049-1092.

6 Cf. S7,pra, p. 122-123.

'' O has only one instance of four ' laisses similaires ' (1796—1850), and
none of five.

132 F. B. Liiquicns,

What is in O a most efiective line, becomes here a most tiresome
one.'

As for the individual lines of Stengel's text, very many are imper-
fect. I prefer, however, not to insist upon this fact, for an editor
might often fail in the reconstruction of the correct wording of a
line, even though his principles of reconstruction were correct. -

The foregoing pages have shown, I hope, that Stengel's text
possesses many technical imj^erfections. I consider, then, that I have
proved the correctness of the Oxford stemma.^

4: * 4;

Nevertheless, although Miiller's conception of the interrelations
of the manuscripts was correct, his edition is, in my opinion, un-
satisfactor}-. Not, however, through lack of scholarshij) on his part
— his scholarship, his acquaintance with the problems of Old French
phonology and morphology, was of the highest order — but for two
reasons which I shall endeavor to set forth in the remainder of this
article.

To quote Miiller's own words : " Eine Formel, die alles subjektive
Urtheil ausschliesst, lasst sich nun einmal fiir die Chanson de Roland
nicht aufstellen, und die Herausgeber sind vollkommen im Rechte,
wenn sie in den Oxforder Text aus den anderen Redactionen nichts
ohne Noth aufnehmen und nur das aufnehmen, was sie aus inneren
Griinden fiir das Echte halten, um das ehrwiirdige Denkmal vor
fremdartigen Einmischungen zu bewahren und nicht einen Cento
daraus zu machen." * So his formula — to adopt his expression — ma}-

* An example of tlie harm which Stengel's edition is constantly effect-
ing is to be found in Professor W. M. Hart's Ballad and Epic^ p. 2G2.
Professor Hart, speaking of repetition in ' laisses similaires,' says : " It
is not Incremental . . ." He makes this mistake because lie has based
liis investigations on Stengel's text.

- Throughout the foregoing discussion of Stengel's reconstruction, I have
endeavored to deal onlj' with imperfections due to content, not to "wording.

* The argument might be made much simpler for any who w^ould
accept subjective reasoning. It "would run thus : x' must have been a
consistently beautiful poem, for O is such ; Miiller's x' is a consistently
beautiful poem ; Stengel's is not (I cannot understand how any one can
contend that it is) ; therefore the Oxford stemma is correct. Knowing,
however, that an argument so subjective would hardl}^ convince defenders
of the redactions stemma, I have rested my case on technical excellence
alone, ruhng out of the argument all inferences from the absolute beauty of O.

* Zeitschrift f. ronian. PhiloL, iii, 447. Stengel, not heeding this warn-
ing, has proved the ti-uth of Miiller's words.

Chanson dc Roland. 133

1)6 reduced to lowest terms as follows : Never alter the Oxford
manuscript to accord with the other redactions except for an imper-
ative reason. This formula is an obviously correct deduction from
the Oxford stemma. The unsatisfactoriness of Miiller's edition is
partly due to incorrect application of it. He did not invariably
practise as he preached — sometimes he did alter O to accord with
the other redactions without an imperative reason. ' In at least
two instances this infidelity to principle had serious consequences.
The first instance is his arrangement of the strophes which contain
the quarrel of Roland and Ganelon.'-^ In O these strophes possess
perfect emphasis— in Miiller's text they do not. In O Ganelon breaks
into a wild rage immediately upon hearing Roland's proposal; this
rage becomes a paroxysm when Roland laughs at him ; a few mo-
ments later, however, when he has regained his senses, his wrath
is more calm, but more terrible — he formally defies Roland, Oliver,
and the Twelve Peers ; he publicly dooms them to death. In Miiller's
text, on the contrary, his calm and serious anger comes first, his
sudden rage — to speak paradoxically — comes slozvly upon him.
jNIiiller has two arguments for thus departing from O.^ The first
is that all the other redactions present his order. This is not in
itself cogent, for the unanimity of the other redactions may be due
to a mistake in x".'* His stronger argument — in his opinion — is as
follows : in strophes xxi and xxii of O, Ganelon speaks of Charles'
command that he go to Saragossa ; therefore strophe xxiv, which
contains this command, should stand before xxi ; and this change
entails the others which are made. But may we not think that
when the Franks, in strophe xx, cry out with one accord their
approval of Roland's proposal, the King looks assent. Evidently
every one in the council took it for granted that Charles would
follow the advice of his Franks ; therefore Ganelon's remarks do
not presuppose an actual command. I contend, then, that Miiller
did not have an imperative reason for changing O's arrangement
of these strophes. But if the matter be still doubtful, may we not
lay our thesis in one scale, and settle it ? Is not the perfect emphasis

' Practically all these mistakes were in regard to problems into which
linguistic considerations do not enter. He erred not as a grammarian,
but as a logician.

2 274-3.86.

» Cf. his edition (1878), p. 21.

* It is my opinion that the scribe of x'' changed the order of his or-
iginal for the very same reason which led Miiller to change_that of O.

134 F. B. Luquicus,

of O's strophes, so in accord with the general technic which we
ascribe to x', a strong argument against any change ?

The second instance of Miiller's failure to apply correctly his
formula, is his arrangement of the strophes which constitute The
Second Encounter.i In O this chapter is exceedingly clear. From
the ver}' first, when, in the poet's words,

Li arcevesques cumencet la bataille,

through the series of combats in which now a Paynim, now a Frank,
is victorious, until the moment when the Paynims cry w-ildly to
Marsila for aid, we are never in doubt as to what encounter is
being described ; then, in the last strophe of the chapter, the poet
speaks very briefly of a third encounter, merel}' mentions a fourth
and a fifth, after which only sixt}^ Franks survive —

Ne mes seisante que Deus ad esparmiez . . ,
Einz que il moergent, se venderunt mult chier !

There is a very great difterence between this and the corresponding
chapter in Miiller's text : the difference between clearness and
vagueness, between order and confusion. From beginning to end
we are never sure — Miiller himself, b}^ his own confession, was not
always sure ^ — just what encounter is being described. The cause
of all the trouble is this: Miiller has shifted two strophes 3 far from
their position in O. He gives two reasons.* The first is that all
the other redactions show his order. Such a reason, however — as
explained above — is not in itself cogent.'' The second consists of
the following argument: vv. 1671—1676 read as follows:

Li quens Rollanz apelet Olivier :

Sire cumpaign, sel volez otrier,

Li arcevesques est mult bons chevaliers,

N'en ad meillor en tere ne suz ciel,

Bien set ferir et de lance et d'espiet.

Respunt li quens : Kar li aluns aidier . . .

therefore the strophe immediatel}' preceding these lines must recount
a combat in which the Archbishop figures ; In O this condition is

' 1438-1690.

■>■ Cf. liis edition (1878), p. 168.

» 1628-1670.

* Cf. his edition (1878), pp. 144-145.

■'• It is probable, in my opinion, that the scribe of x" cbaiig-ed tlie order
of his original because he, like Miiller after him, interpreted vv. 1671—1676
too literally.

k

Chiuisou dc Roland. 135

not fulfilled ; in the other redactions it is ; therefore the arrangement
of the latter is to be adopted. But is it necessary to interpret the
conversation of the Counts so literall}' ? It may be that their re-
marks were of general, not specific, import — " Turpin, a man of
God, fiohts well ; we, men of battle, should do likewise." The pos-
sibility of this interpretation prevents the contention that Miiller's
reason is imperative. But, if need be, our thesis ma}' again be thrown
into the balance — is not the clearness of O's chapter, so consonant
with the technical excellence of x', a strong argument against alter-
ing o?i

So much for Miiller's infidelity to his formula. But his edition is
unsatisfactory for another reason — because he reconstructed, not x,
but X' ; which was, to use his own expression, " eine schon getriibte
Quelle." He, in common with most Roland scholars, did not con-
.sider the reconstruction of the Original poem to be feasible, for the
reason that the nature of that original was a matter of doubt.
Almost all students of the question have thought that between x
and x' intervened a long process of accretion. To quote Professor
Weeks : " To my mind, the process of development was so gradual
that, at no stage of the operation could one say : ' Here begins the
Oxford version.' " ^ No editor who holds this opinion would attempt
to reconstruct x. But, if my thesis be conceded, it must also be
conceded that between x and x', and between x' and O, there was
very little accretion, or indeed change of an}' kind^; that, moreover,
it is feasible to reconstruct x, merely by excluding from O what-
ever is due to its scribe, or to the scribe of x'. Here, again, the
thesis will be of use : never as sole reason for exclusion — for, as I
have already said, our Old French Homer may well have nodded
now and then — but often as a confirmatory reason, vv. 1406-1411,
for example, are attribvitable to some copyist on linguistic grounds
— technical considerations strengthen the case*; vv. 520-536 seem

* Scliolle, Dcr Staiiiiubaiiiii . . . drs Rolaiidslicdes, pp. 22—23, argues for
the retention of O's order in this chapter.

* Modem Language A'otes^ xxii, 191.

* My thesis proves nothing in regard to the so7irccs from which the
poet drew his material. He may have compiled folk-songs ; he maj^ have
remade some story, as Tennj^'son remade the tale of the Red Book of
Hergest into his Geraint and Enid -^i he may have collaborated, as Bedier
would have it, with the monks of some abbey ; he may have spun lus .
own web. Such questions, to my mind, have nothing to do with the
reconsti'uction of the original text of the Chanson dc Roland.

* Cf. snpiri, p. IIG, Note 1.

136 F. B. Ltiquiens, Chanson de Roland.

to be a metrical experiment on the part of some copyist — technical

considerations remove all doubt. ^ In short, to Miiller's formula should

be added : Exclude from the Oxford manuscript whatever may be

proved due to copyists.

« * *

If the foregoing arguments are cogent, the correct and complete
formula for the reconstruction of the original Chanson de Roland is :
(1) Never alter the Oxford manuscript to accord with the other
redactions except for an imperative reason ; (2) exclude from the
Oxford manuscript whatever may be proved due to copyists.^

Yale University, Frederick Bliss Luquiexs.

1 Cf. supra^ p. 123.

2 It is the author's intention to publish a series of articles setting forth
in detail (1) the instances in which there is an imperative reason for
altering O to accord with the other redactions ; (2) the instances in which
O may be proved to be due to copyists.

AN
INTERPRETATION OF CATULLUS VIII

E. P. MORRIS

V. — An Interpretation of Catullus vnr.

Miser Catulle, desinas ineptire,

et quod vides perisse perditum ducas.

Fulsere quondam candidi tibi soles,

cum ventitabas quo puella ducebat

amata nobis quantum amabitur nulla.

Ibi ilia multa turn iocosa fiebant

quae tu volebas nee puella nolel3at.

Fulsere vere candidi tibi soles.

Nunc iam ilia non volt; tu quoque, inpotens, noli,

nee quae fugit sectare nee miser vive,

sed obstinata mente perfer, obdura.

Vale, puella ; iam Catullus obdurat,

nee te requiret nee rogabit invitam ;

at tu dolebis, cum rogaberis nulla.

Scelesta, vae te ! quae tibi manet vita ?

Quis nunc te adibit ? cui videberis bella ?

quem nvmc amabis ? cuius esse diceris ?

quem basial^is ? cui labella mordebis ?

At tu, Catulle, destinatus obdura.

This vivid and graceful little poem, though it presents few serious
textual difficulties and contains no recondite alkisions, has never-
theless troubled the judgment of candid interpreters of Catullus.
To whom is it addressed ? What was the occasion of it ? What
is its relation to Ixxvi ? Does it go to prove that Lesbia was
a libertinal Or is it, indeed, a Lesbia poem at all? It has been
used as evidence in support of widely different answers to such
questions as these.

The difficulties of interpretation center about the harmonizing of
the last part with the first lines. The first half appears to be a
Lesbia poem. This view rests primarily upon the phrase in vs. 5,
which is repeated with a slight change in xxxvii, 12 and, in
substance, in Ixxxvii, 1—2, where Lesbia is mentioned by name.
Most Catullus scholars, starting perhaps from this phrase, find in
the whole first part, vss. 1-8, a sincerity and depth of feeling which
is explainable onl}' on the hypothesis that the lines are addressed

140 E. P. Morris,

to Lesbia. Following out this hypothesis, vs. 4, vcntitabas quo pitella
ducebat, has been sometimes, though not universally, understood to
be an allusion to the meetings at the house of Allius. while some
scholars (Schwabe, Westphal), going still further, have tried to fix
the poem chronologically and to connect it with a definite period
of alienation between the lovers.

The second half, on the other hand, is applicable to Lesbia-Clodia
only with considerable difficulty. Taken by themselves — if, for
example, they were a fragment without context — vss. 14-18 would
bear only one natural interpretation ; they would be understood
to be addressed by a lover to the girl whom he was threatening
to abandon and who, in her abandonment, would be left to lone-
liness and unhappiness ; that is, they would be understood to be
spoken to a woman of the libertina class. In particular, the question
cuius esse diceris ? requires — and has had — some very pecuhar inter-
pretation, if it was addressed to Lesbia-Clodia and not to a Cynthia
(Prop, ii, 8, 6) or Corinna (Ovid. Amor, iii, 12, 5). To these diffi-
culties, which have been often pointed out, must be added the
fact that the diction of vss. 14—18 belongs, in a special and technical
sense, to the amatory style. The words dolebis, rogaberis, adibit,
bella, auiabis, basiabis, labella mordebis are all technical words of
erotic poetry and are illustrated in Pichon {de Serin. Anialor.).
To find another passage so crowded with amatory diction one must
go back to comedy, e. g., to Plant. Pseud. 64 ft'. No other poem
addressed to Lesbia contains such lines as these ; the nearest ap-
proach is perhaps in ii [dcsidcrio, iocari, dolor is, ardor). But if we
compare with these lines the poems or parts of poems which
manifestly express the strongest emotion, like v or Ixviii, 70-72,
we find that in the utterance of real passion Catullus speaks not
only with force and directness, as we might expect, but also with
a true dignity that is quite above the artifices of technical amatory
poetry. On the evidence of the style alone, even without the
strong evidence of the thought, I think it must be said that vss.
14—18 are either not addressed to Lesbia-Clodia at all, or else are
in a tone of quite unusual lightness.

This apparent incongruity between the first half and the last may
be explained in various ways. The difficulties would disapj^ear if
the hypothesis that this is a Lesbia poem were given up, and it
is at least worth while to examine somewhat carefully the grounds
on which the hypothesis rests. The phrase amata nobis quantum
amabitur nulla is, it is true, used again in a Lesbia poem, xxxvii,
12, l)ut such repetitions are very common in Catullus. The instan-

Catullus III I. 141

ces are collected b}- Valilen [Itid. Led., Berlin, 1898). He would
class the repetition of this j^hrase with passer, deliciae nieae puellae
(II, 1 and III, 4) and cui neque servus est neque area (xxiii, 1 and
xxiv, 5) as intentional repetition in order to remind the reader of
a previous poem. But it is very difficult to see in xxxvii any-
thing which could have led Catullus to remember viii or to desire
to recall it to a reader. The two poems are about as different in
tone as poems could be, too different' even to make an effective
contrast. I do not see in this repetition anything which distin-
guishes it with certainty from, e. g., x, 4 and xxxvi, 17 or iii, 1 and
xiii, 12. Nor do I find in the words that strength of emotion
which some commentators see in them. On the contrar}', the
phrase is a commonplace of lovers' speech ; it is precisely one of
those lovers' vows at which Jove laughs, the kind of declaration
which fervid youth daily makes to the object of his affections and,
it may be, after the lapse of a suitable interval, employs a second
or a third time. It is quite true that the words may be used with
the strongest emotion and the deepest conviction of their truth,
as Catullus uses them in xxxvii, 12, but the}^ are at least equally
suited to the humorous attitude. In short, it is a phrase which
takes its color from the context, not one so positive that it may
properly be used to determine the tone and color of a poem. In
a serious poem, it is serious ; if the context is playful, this phrase
also is light. And yet, though the argument from these words
will not bear all the strain that is put upon it, the denial of the
reference to Lesbia makes as many difficulties as it removes. For
if the puella is not Lesbia, who is she ? Practically, if we suppose
this poem, with all its indications of a past, to refer to some
other woman than Lesbia, then we are obliged to say also that the
whole relation is nowhere else touched upon by Catullus — a
very difficult hypothesis. Nor is it a poem of pure phantasy. The
ideal poems of Catullus are quite distinctly marked off from the
personal poems ; he nowhere introduces himself into them as
speaker or actor, as Horace so frequently does. We must still look
upon this as a Lesbia poem, though not — and this is of some
importance — on the ground of its seriousness and depth of feeling.
A second expedient to explain away the contradictions of the
poem would be to den}' the identification of Lesbia with Clodia.
All the difficulties come from the hypothesis that Lesbia was the
wife or widow of a man of consular rank, that she was of the
proud Claudian gens and a personage in Roman society; if we
reverse the hypothesis, the poem becomes harmonious and intelli-

142 E. P. Morris,

gible and, by that fact, a strong bit of evidence that Lesbia was
a Hbertina, hke Cynthia. The poem is so used b}' Riese (Einl. p. 15)
in his argument against the Lesbia-Clodia identification. But this
way out of the difficulty is, in truth, impossible; the lines of con-
verging evidence are too many and too clear. Les]:)ia was Clodia,
and the interpretation of viii must accept the fact.

In general, the editors of Catullus, taking the first part of the
poem as a serious and pathetic appeal to Lesbia-Clodia, are ob-
liged to reconcile it with vss. 14—18 by minimizing the force of
the latter. The details are in the commentaries and need not be
repeated here. Some editors {e. g., Ellis) pass over the difficulties
in silence, others face them and attempt special explanations. Thus
Baehrens thinks that the predictions of loneliness may refer to the
social isolation which may have threatened Clodia on account of
the suspicion that she had poisoned her husband. Friedrich, in
explaining the strangeness of cuius esse diceris ? addressed to
Clodia, reminds us, quite justly, that the very notoriety of such
an intrigue would probably have been an added attraction to her.
But these explanations do not cover the whole ground nor even
the most difficult points ; Clodia would still have her court of ad-
mirers ; and all editors are obliged to fall back upon the expedient
of saying that Catulhis was in truth quite in the dark in regard
to the position and character of his mistress. " Nimirum cur a
Lesbia desertus esset, Catullus adhuc nesciit " (Baehrens) ; " die
Stelle zeigt, dass dem C. keine Untreue Lesbias bekannt war "
(Riese) ; " he has as yet no notion that Lesbia's coldness to him-
self is connected with other intrigues'' (Merrill); "das ist begreif-
licherweise Selbsttauschung. Es traf, wie C. spater selbst einsah,
bei Clodia in keiner Weise zu " (Friedrich). Undoubtedly the
scholars who offer this explanation do so with a full understand-
ing of the fact that it leaves much to be desired. The credulity,
the unconsciousness, which it presupposes on the part of Catullus
is too great. Clodia had been a figure in Roman society before
Catullus came from Verona ; gossip had been busy with her name ;
it is hard to suppose that the young man ever believed himself to
be her first or her only admirer; the peculiar phrasing of xxxvii, 13,
pro qua tnilii sunt magna bella pugtiata, must be due to the recol-
lection of rivalries, not of the mere difficulties of meeting. But
this, after all, is not the main point. If we try to satisfy ourselves
by supposing that Catullus was unaware of Clodia's position and
surroundings, we have still to account for the fact that, in pre-
dicting the consequences of her coldness, he uses terms which so

Catullus Vlll. 143

imperfectly describe the situation of a lady of position who had
sent away her lover, but which describe with such accuracy the
situation of a woman of the libcrtina class who had lost her lover
and protector. It is not enough to account for the negative im-
plications of the passage ; the positive coloring of these verses must
also be explained, the heaping-up of amatory phrases, the dehb-
erate employment of the language of the half-world.

It will be seen that whatever difficulties of interpretation the
poem presents are not in the verses themselves, but in the adjust-
ment of them to what is known of the life of Catullus and his re-
lation to Clodia. Taken by itself the poem is a specimen of a
particular class, fairly well represented in Latin literature, and the
interpretation will, I hope, gain something by a study of the type
of which it is a representative.

The essential characteristic of the t^pe is that it pictures the
lover proclaiming his determination to break away from his mistress.
Its simplest form is in comedy. The opening lines of the Eunuchus
(46—49) present the type in outline : —

Quid igitur faciam ? non eam ne nunc quidem
quom accessor ultro ? an potius ita me comparem,
non perpeti meretricum contumelias?
exclusit ; revocat : redeam ? non si me obsecret.

The unhappy young lover is represented as trying to meet the
inconstancy of his mistress by an angr}' acceptance of her sentence
of dismissal. The picture is wholly humorous, the contrast between
the vehement expressions of determination and the underlying
weakness being brought out in the comments of the slave, vss.
50-70. Horace, in his paraphrase of the scene (Sat. ii, 3, 259-271)
perceives and sets forth the humor of the situation. In Plautus
there are several scenes of the same kind. In True. 759—769 the
lover is represented as in the same state of anger and expressing
the same determination not to submit to the inconstancy ot his
mistress, but two further elements are added ; he threatens the girl
and he is himself half-conscious of the weakness of his resolutions
(766 f.). So in Bacch. 500-525 the lover is in a whirl of conflicting
emotions. He tries to accept the situation (502, ilium exoptavit
potius ? habeat : optumest, cf. Eun. 49), hardens his heart (504), and
breaks out into threats (503, 506, 507 b, 512 ff.), the last threat
being in substance that he will abandon her to poverty. At the
same time he is represented as conscious of his weakness and as
betraying it — in the broad manner of Plautus — by the :^a<)a TiQoa-

144 E. P. Morris,

^oy.iav of 505: ni ego illam exemplis plurimis planeque — amo, and
by the admissions of 509 ff. The scene in Asin. 127-152 brings out
.still more plainl}^ certain characteristic marks of the type. The
lover refers to the happiness of the past (141), hardens his heart
with the consciousness of his wrongs (135 ff.) and pictures himself
in the attitude of firmness [ine spcda modo, 145). The language also
is pathetic, 127 ff., ingrata and mrita 136, adii and animum . . . dedi
141, scelesta 148. But the wrongs from which the speaker is suffering
were inflicted by the girl's mother in the character of lena, and it
is against her that the threats are directed, so that the whole has
in part the characteristics of an ordinary leno scene.

These illustrations of the type are from comedy and are all in
soliloquy (for the speech in Eun. 46—49 is not addressed to the
other person on the stage), and there is a certain advantage in the
dramatic form. It separates the speaker from the writer and makes
it possible to express more easily the two essential, but somewhat
contradictor}', elements. Through the speaker of the soliloquy the
writer may pour out the storm of indignation, weakness, threats
and soft-heartedness, while the humorous side of such an exhibition
of emotion may be suggested through another speaker. This is
the way that Terence takes to let the audience see that all the
emotion is simpl}' a lover's quarrel — inimicitiae, indutiae ; bellum, pax
mrsiim, as Parmeno sa3's. It is in the confident assurance of the
observer that the belluiii will in due course be followed by pax
rnrsHin that the humor mainly lies. Plautus, however, does not
use the second speaker for this purpose, but allows the conscious-
ness of weakness to show itself in the lover's own words, the
writer himself .standing by, as it were, in the character of the
humorous observer.

In the similar scenes in elegy or in lyric poetr}' the writer neces-
sarily follows the method of Plautus, rather than that of Terence.
He cannot use the device of a second speaker, but must so frame
the lover's speech that it shall express the firm determination to
break away, and at the same time betray the underlying sense of
weakness ; his lover must be at the same moment openly desirovas
of going and secretly hopeful that he may be asked to sta}-. The
form of soliloqu}^, also, which lyric and elegiac poetr}' have taken
over from comedy, requires that the writer shall identify himself
with the lover. This he may do more or less completely, making
the poem personal to himself or, if the identification is merely formal,
treating the situation as an ideal one. It will be seen that different
poets in their use of the type emphasize difterent elements.

Catullus VIII. 145

Unfortunately there is nothing in the fragments of the Greek lyric
which surely illustrates this type. Nor is there any single poem in
the Palatine Anthology which can be used as a parallel. There
are, of course, the laments of disappointed lovers, predicting to girls
an unhai)p3' old age, but all is in miniature, while this kind of lyric
demands a certain space for its presentation. In Latin elegy and
l3Tic, however, the t^pe is well represented.

Propertius has two examples. In ii, 5 Cynthia has been notori-
oush' unfaithful and her lover is threatening to leave her. There
is the usual reference to the past {ainata din, 8j and to her having
been called his pnella (vs. 6) and there are man}- self-exhortations
to firmness, mingled, as if involuntarily, with betrayals of weakness
(9, 10; 13, 15 f.). The definite threat with which the poem closes
is that the lover will make her infidelity known through his poetr}'.
The corresponding poem, iv, 25, is shorter and somewhat closer
to the general type : — " Cynthia is unfaithful, though I have served
her faithfully for five years. Now it is over and I am leaving her,
weeping, it is true, but sustained in my resolve by the sense of
m}' wrongs. Farewell to the threshold and to the door ! But yo\x
shall grow old in loneliness and shall suffer in turn the pangs of
unrequited love." Here again are the same outlines; the lover
regrets the past, strives to be firm, is conscious of his weakness, bids
the girl a lingering farewell (still hoping that the pathos may move
her), and finally predicts for her a life of unhappiness withovit love.
In both poems Propertius identifies himself fully with the lover and
apparently uses the typical form as a means of expressing his real
feeling on a definite occasion. As compared, therefore, with the
soliloquies of comed}', the pathetic and indignant element is rather
over-emphasized, and the humor — a qualit}- in which Propertius is
notal^ly deficient — is merely implied in the prolonged farewell and
the other indications of conscious weakness. The threats in iv, 25
take the form of a prediction that old age will bring wrinkles and
gra}' hair, and that the girl will then find no one to love her.

In the love-poetr}' of Horace all is humorous. He maintains con-
sistently the attitude of the humorous oljserver of the mutations
of young love, and in so far his tone is a return to that of comed}".
In consequence of this and of the general lightness of touch which
he preserves in his verses on love, the other element, the lover's
indignation and distress, is somewhat slightly expressed. In his
most characteristic pictures, too, like i, 5 and i, 13, it is the coquette
who is triumphant, dismissing a lover only to receive his rival, and
Horace, identifying himself merely in a formal wa}' with the rejected

Trans. Conn. Acad.. Vol. XV. 10 July. 1909.

146 E. P. Morris,

lover, directs his predictions of unhappiness against his rival, not
against the girl, as in Asin. 127 ff, the threats are directed against
the girl's mother. The one poem in which Horace has most closely
followed the type is Epode xv. Here are the same elements that
Propertius uses, the reference to past happiness (vss. 1-10), the
indignant resolve to break away (11—14), the apparently unconscious
betrayal of weakness (15-16), and the predictions of unhappiness
(vs. 11, to the girl, o dolitura . . . Neaera; vss. 17—24, to the rival).

In the adaptation of such a t3'pe as this to varying circumstances
it is to be expected that the emphasis would be differently distrib-
uted by poets of different temperament. The essential element is
the humorous portrayal, through a soliloquy, of a lover trying to
win back the favor of the girl by the threat — which he both hopes
and fears that he may not carry out — of leaving her forever. With
this, as secondary elements, go usually some reference to the happi-
ness of tlie past and some prediction of the misery that will ensue,
if he is allowed actually to go. In Plautus the emphasis is upon
the comic side, upon the lover's sudden changes of temper. In
Terence, with finer art, a second speaker is used to give the con-
trast. Propertius, limited by the laws of elegy, by his own
deficiencies of temperament and by the fact that he was using the
type for a particular occasion, expresses the indignation of the
lover and the predictions of unhappiness with almost too much of
personal sharpness, while the humor is merely suggested. Horace
is primarily the humorous observer and only secondarily the lover :
it is the threatening element that he treats most lightly. There is
a similar variety in the handling of other well-known types of poem,
the .T(>o.Tf//.T7-<zor and rr ar) axXavo i&vqov, in spite of the definiteness
of the accompanying action or the fixed scene.

If, with these characteristics of the type in mind, we return to
Catullus viii, the question of its interpretation would now take this
form: — how far did Catullus modify the type and upon what ele-
ments of it did he lay special emphasis?

The essential elements are of course present and not greatl}-
changed. The poem is, in general form, a soliloquy ; like Propertius
and Horace, Catullus assumes the attitude of the offended lover.
He has thus a double part to play ; as lover, he is deeply in earnest,
as observer and poet, he suggests with delightful humor the under-
lying hope of reconciliation. (Some editors remark, upon these
lines, that Catullus does not seem to know his own mind. That is
quite true of Catullus, as the lover ; but Catullus the poet knew
very well what he was doing.) Of the secondary elements, the

Catullus VIII. 147

reference to the happiness of the past is treated in vss. 3—8 with
a vividness of which neither Propertius nor Horace was capable.
This is Catulhis' pecuhar province. Even in an ideal poem like
xlv his treatment of passionate love has all the spontaneity of a
personal emotion. Postponing for a moment the question whether
or how far the poet is here addressing Lesbia, we must recognize
the fact that these lines are here because they belong to this type
of poem, not because Catullus was in love with a particular woman.
The corresponding verses in Horace's Epode, vss. 1—10, are not,
in themselves, an expression of the writer's personal feeling. The
same distinction is to be made in regard to the pathos of the
repeated line fiilscrc . . . soles. It is pathetic, as Macaulay some-
where says, but the pathos is for the puclla, not for the reader.
Catullus the lover in this little dramatic lyric tries to touch the
heart of the girl, but ("atullus the poet trusted to the acuteness of
his readers— and of Lesbia — to see that this is only a scene in
a pretty comedy. Finally, the other element, the threatening pre-
dictions, Catullus expresses in a series of impassioned questions
which are more a reminder of what has been than a prophecy of
what may be, as Horace, in a different way, avoids the crudities
of comedy and the bitterness of Propertius.

Taken by itself and interpreted by comparison with other poems
of the same type, this poem is not difticult. It is not by any means
the record of an attempt on the part of Catullus to break off
a love-affair with some girl, whether Lesbia or another ; that record
is written, in very different words, in Ixxvi. It is a light and
humorous presentation of a lover — Catullus himself playing the
part — trying to move the heart of an inconstant girl by appeals
and pathos and sternness and threats.

There still remains the question how far this poem is to be
adjusted to the circumstances of Catullus' life. Or, in other words,
how far has Catullus, in using this type of poem, changed it in
order to adapt it to the expression of his feeling toward a partic-
ular person, on a particular occasion ? To answer this question
it is necessary to go back to some general principles of the inter-
pretation of Catullus.

Of his purely ideal poems, Ixii, Ixiii, Ixiv, Ixvi and especially
xlvj nothing need be said beyond \\hat was said above, that they
are marked off from the personal poems l^y a clear line. This is
not one of them, and nothing that has been said above of its
typical character is meant to be understood as implying that it is
also ideal.

148

E. P. Morris.

At the other extreme are the obvioush' personal poems, of which
both Catuhus and Horace have man}-. But the poems of Catuhus
are much more difficult to interpret. In the lirst place, the per-
sons to whom Horace alludes are for the most part known to us
from other sources, men in public life or distinguished in hterature,
while in Catullus the persons with whom he deals are often quite
unknown — Furius and Aurelius, Veranius and Fabullus. And, in the
second place, the odes of Horace are often deliberate!}' charged
with allusions which make them self-explanatory, complete in them-
selves. Catullus rarely works in this deliberate wa}' ; he goes straight
to the point of his poem and the personal allusions are incidental.
Such verses as Horace Carm. ii, 1, 9—16, which are a skilful mosaic
of allusions to the varied activities of Pollio's career, are not to be
found in Catullus, not even in xxix or xiv. Even such an ode
as Carm. i, 20, though the precise occasion for it is unknown, is
complete in itself. The proportion of mere inference, therefore, in
the interpretation of Catullus and the proportion, too, of the insol-
uble is much greater than in Horace.

A like difference between the two poets must be frankl}' recog-
nized in the interpretation of the jDoems which lie somewhere between
the extremes, neither purely ideal nor strongly personal, the t3'pical
poems, like viii, which have nevertheless some personal reference
or application. Such a poem is Hor. Carm. i, 16, a palinode — a
well-known type — which Horace has apparent!}' addressed to a
particular person. The fi Ha pule hrior cdcnnot, it is true, be identified,
but the poem, in itself, is intelligible and enjo3-able, in spite of the
fact that the circumstances which called it forth are unknown to
us. The kind of interpretation which Boeckh calls generische Inter-
pretation, by comparison with other like poems, is reasonably satis-
fying. Further knowledge would do little more than gratif}' a natural
curiosity. The same thing ma}- be said of Catullus Ixx : —

Nulli se dicit mulier mea nubere malle

quam milii, non si se luppiter ipse petat.

Dicit; sed mulier cupido quod dicit amanti,
in vento et rapida scribere oportet aqua.

This is an epigram of a somewhat definite kind. A parallel to
it is in Antliol. Pal., v. 6 : —

^'Q,fioOt KaUJyroToc. lorUh, /tijjroT! xiin^g,
e^iir f^it'irt: (f iXor y.Qiaaova fdjTi: (fiXiiv.

"£if(or>iy dlkii Xiyovcnv (tXfjS-iix, toik ir &()coti
otjy.ipv^ 11)1 dvriir ovar <'-l; ad^arartor.

Catullus VIII. 149

Tliis epigram, attributed to Callimachus, may indeed have been
the model for CatuUus ; he has omitted the reference to Megara
and has substituted the tigure of wind and running water for ovar
fs (lO^ari'cTov, but has kept the framework oj/ioaf: — vjfiooi: in the
words (licit — (licit. At any rate, the type is the same and the poem
is ahnost complete in itself Not much is added to its effectiveness
by the identihcation of tiiulier mca with Clodia, especially if
nubere be taken, with F'riedrich, in its less precise sense. It is
only when iiubcrc is taken to be a reference to a legal marriage,
that is, only when the poem contains some reference to a specific
act, that personal identification adds much to the point of such
typical poems. In fact, the identification of the persons alluded
to in a poem is much like the fixing of the date of composition ;
it is of value not for itself, but for the light which it may shed
upon the poem, and for the light which the poem may then reflect
upon the life of the writer. If a poem is so general in tone and
contains so few definite references that its date cannot be fixed,
either absolutely or relatively, then, conversely, it is almost always
a poem which would gain little by being dated. The vagueness
which makes the dating impossible, makes it also valueless. The
same thing is true of personal identification ; poems which al^ound
in specific allusion contain the material for identification and become
clearer l^y such identification ; but reflective poems or those which
conform closely to a type and are but slightly charged with person-
ality are less easily connected with an individual and gain little
by such connection. It is possible that the Alfenus of xxx is
P. Alfenus Varus, hwX. the possibility or the certainty adds little to
the poem ; that stands by itself as an expression of poetic emotion,
highly artificial in structure and meter and undoubtedly interesting
.to the writer on the artistic rather than on the personal side. So
it is that viii should l)e understood and appreciated. It is a
beautiful little work of art, worthy to hang by the side of Horace's
Epode XV, less mellow, but not less humorous, superior in fire and
greatly superior in the vivid presentation of the lover's quickly
changing moods.

But, though this is the point of view from which the poem is
to be understood and appreciated, it is not necessary to stop here.
Catullus has, in all probability, used the typical poetic form to
express something of his feeling toward a particular person,

150 E. P. Morris,

Lesbia-Clodia, and it is necessaiy to consider how far, in thus
using it, he has moditied the t3'pe. The first part, the reference
to the happiness of the past, may Ije the warmer because it is
addressed to Lesbia, but there is otherwise nothing specificall}-
personal in it. The expression in vs. 4, ventitabas, ducebai, is cer-
tainly suggestive of some definite reference, but it cannot be har-
monized with the description of the first meeting at the house of
Allius, Ixviii, 70-72, 132—134. The second part, the picture of
the petulant lover, indignant, hoping, fearing, also conforms closeh'
to the type, with only such touches of individuality as would be
expected from Catullus. The third part, the threats and predictions
of loneliness, is likewise adopted bodily from the type, but of the
various forms which these predictions ma}' take Catullus has with
perfect taste chosen the one which best suits the playful tone of
the poem. To have foretold to Clodia the evils which actu-
ally befell her in her later career, to have reminded her, as Pro-
pertius reminds C3^nthia, of the old age that w^ould destro}' her
charms, or to have used any form of threat which would have
suggested real and serious distress, would have been to spoil utterl}-
the lightness of tone, the delightfully humorous persiflage of the
poem. As the picture of the lover is drawn in conventional lines
and is by no means a portrait of himself, so the threats are
merely the conventional threats, which by their very inapplicability
to Clodia remind her that it is all a jest and by their playfully
amorous form of expression remind her that Catullus is still her
lover.

The connection of this poem with Lesbia does not, therefore,
lead to any considerable modification of the type nor change essen-
tially the natural interpretation ; it helps to explain the warmth of
vss. 3—8 and it adds something to the playfulness of vss. 14—18.
But it reflects a certain light upon the relation of these two ex-
traordinary personalities by reminding us of the play of wit and
humor that undoubtedl}' formed a part of their attraction for each
other. Viewed in this waj-, viii is to be classed with iii, 11—18,
lines which we may be sure Clodia read with a smile, with vii,
in which wit and passion are mingled, with xiii, 9—14, with xxxvi
and with Ixxxxii. The lighter aspect of the relation seems
at times to be too little noticed; Catullus might have said of him-
self, as well as of Lesbia, carum nescio quid libet iocari.

There is, then, a certain gain in recognizing the fact that this is
a Lesbia poem ; it adds to the meaning of the poem and to our
understanding of the writer. But the further step which some

Catullus VIll. 151

scholars would take, connecting- viii with a detinite point in the
intrigue, is, I am convinced, an error, hi fact, there runs through
much of the interpretation of Catullus a mistaken and even harm-
ful desire to connect every poem with some particular event and
give it a place in the chronology of Catullus. But it is plain
that there are important sides of Catullus' life — c. g., his re-
lation to his father — which are not in any way alluded to in
his poetry, and we cannot properly draw from his silence such
conclusions as Ferrero has drawn (Engl, transl., Vol. ii, p. 47 f ).
I am not seeking to lessen the value of the elaborate and pains-
taking structure of inference that Schwabe has reared in his Ouacs-
iioncs, liut only to point out that such inferences should be very
painstaking. The suggestion in an excellent commentar}' on Ix
that this was " perhaps the last verse penned by Catullus as his
strength failed him and death came on," illustrates the danger ot
the method. For this collection of poems and verses is not a
methodical record of a life. Catullus was a poet, not a diarist,
and the interpretation of his writings must be founded upon the
motives, the traditions, and the ideals of a poet. This is partic-
ularl}'' true of the Lesbia poems. In a relation so agitated, so un-
even, between persons so vehement, it may be said to be certairi
that there were many ups and downs. As Parmeno sa3's (Eun.
57 f.).

Quae res in se neque consilium neque modvmi
habet ullum, earn consilio regere non potes.

To attempt to connect viii with an}^ particular period in that
history and especially with some period of estrangement is wrong-
in method. All that can be said of it is that Catullus once paid
Lesbia the compliment of admitting her dominion over him b}' a
humorous portrayal of himself in the character of a lover trying
to touch her heart by the vain threat of leaving her. Quite cer-
tainl}' Lesbia appreciated both the humor and the compliment.

Yale University, E. P. Morris.

i

CONTRIBUTIONS
FROM THE JAIMINIYA BRAHMANA

HANNS OERTEL

VI. — COXTRIEUTIONS FROM THE JaIMINIYA BraHMANA^ HV HaNXS OeRTEL.

/. Prajdpati creates the Worlds, Vedas, and Vyfrlirtis. Their respective
use for expiation (JB. i. 357-358).

The cycle comprises AB. v. 32-33, QB. xi. 5. 8, SB. i. 5. 6-8.
JB. i. 357-358, Chand. Up. iv. 17, and JUB. iii. 15. 4-17. 10. Geld-
ner, Ved. Stud, ii, 1 39, connects it with the brahmod3a RV. vii. 33. 7.
The passage from the (^atyayana Brahmana which Sayana quotes
for this verse together with its parallels from JB. ii. 239—240 and
TMB. XX. 15. 1-5 are given in J AGS. xviii, 33-34.

1. Text.

JB. i. 357. 1. prajapatih^ prajijanisata. ^ sa* tapo tap3'ata. 2. sa
aiksata hanta^ nu pratistham jana3"ai6 tatc yah'' prajas^ srksye^ tam^*^'
etad eva pratisthasyanti na 'pratisthita^i^ carantihi^ pradarpi.syanta ^^
iti. 3. sa imarii lokam ajanayad^* antariksalokam i^ amuih lokam iti.
4. tan imans trlii lokan janayitva 'bhya^ramyat^^ tan^^ samatapat.i"
tebhyas^s samtaptebhyas trlnii^ ^ukran}- udayann^o agnih prthivya
vayur antariksad^i adityo divah. 5. sa etani ^ukrani punar abh}'
eva 2- 'tapat.23 tebhyas samtaptebhyas trln}- eva fukrany udayann^-t

* This is the seventh, of a series of articles the fii'st of which appeared in
JA OS. xviii, p. 15, the second, ibid, xix, p. 97, the third in Actes dn onziemc Congres
International des Oriental istes^ Paris, 1897, vol. i, 1899, p. 225, the fourth in
JAOS. xxiii, p. .325, the fifth, ibid, xxvi, pp. 176 and 306, and the sixth.

ibid, xxviii, p. 81. ^ ^ .^j 3 ^Q -jagnis- * All mss. s

* A. -ta, B.C. bha- •* All mss. -ye, as in JUB. iii. 15. 4.
" A. yativ/- * A. -ja, as JUB. iii. 15. 4, B.C. puja

" So all mss. here and JUB. iii. 15. 4. I am inclined to admit the ir-
regular form here, and restore it in JUB. Cf. Whitney, Grammar^ § 9861)
and 793 h for a similar confusion of sti'ong and weak forms in the perfect.

*" So all mss. here and JUB. iii. 15. 4 where this reading should prob-
ably have been retained although a locative, tasyam, would be expected.

^* B.C. om. na 'pratisthi ^- A. -nti

'^ B.C. -dasisy-, JUB. iii. 15. 4 reads liei-e pradaghisyanti. For the
CB. form draps- see Wliitney, Grammar., § 936 d. " B.C. om.

'« B.C. hy-, A. -ya, D. -j^as. i« B.C. ta i' B.C. -pariik

i« B.C. tabh- 19 A. tiinac 20 a. udiinayaim " B.C. -tir-

" A. ova. B.C. epa -» B.C. ta udvat ^4 g.C. om. A. -yan

156 H. Ocrtcl,

rgveda^ eva- 'gner^ yajurvedo'^ vayos samaveda-^ adityat. 6. sa etrmi
gukrani punar abhy eva 'tapat. tebliyas saihtaptebh^as triny eva
cukrany'' udayan" bhur it}' eva^ rgvedad bhuva iti'-* 3-ajurvedat svar
iti samavedat. 7. tad etad"' dha vai trayyai^^ vid3ayriiii cukram.i"^
etavad idam sarvam.13 ^a^^ yo^'' \i:a traylih^*^ vidyaiii viduso lokas
so 'sya loko bhavati ya evaih veda.

358. 1. sa vai khalu prajapatiri" yajnaiii srstyo^^ 'rdhva^^ uda-
kramat-^*^ 2. sa devan a1)ravld etena yuyaiii trayena vedena 5'ajnaih
tanudhvam iti. 3. te-^ deva anena trayena vedena— yajamana apa-3
papmanam apaghnata^-i pra svargam lokam ajanans te 'bruvan yan--^
nu26 vayam27 anena trayena vedena yajamana apa^s papmrmam 29
avadhismaSw 'bhi^i^ pra svargam lokam ^^ ajnasisma.^^ y^n nu no
'dya 'yaih34 yajno bhresann iyat^o kenai^t^ 'narii bhisaJ3ame s" 'ti.

4. tan prajapatir abravid yad va etas^'a trayasya vedas5'a teja in-
driyam viryam^^ rasa^s asid idaiii va**^' ahaih tad va^i uda3'accham
ity eta ''2 vyahrtlh^s prayaccham *■* etabhir enaih bhisajyathe'*^ 'ti.

5. sa yadi yajila rkto bhresann^e iyat*^ bhus^s svahe 'ti garhapatye
juhavatha.49 sai 'va tatra^"^ prayaccittih. 6. atha yadi yajvisto^i
bhuvas°2 svahe 'ty agnldhre juhavatha.^9 sai 'va tatra pra3-agcittih,
7. atha yadi samatas^s svas^i svahe 55 'ty ahavanlye juhavatha.'^s sai
'va tatra prayaccittih. 8. atha yadi 'stipacubandhesu va darcapur-
namasayor56 va bhuvas^s svahe 'ty anvaharya])acane5" juhavatha.^s

^ B.C. rgve "- A. om. ' A. -e * A. -vaid-

^ D. samasa « B.C. cukriyany ' C. udayiln * B.C. om.

" B.C. it "> B.C. oniit, as does JUB. iii. 15. 9. >' B.C. -e

12 B.C. ouni 13 B.C. -vay 1* B.C. om. i^ B.C. yau

1^ A. -yl. B.C. -yima '' A. prati, D. pratir. 1* BC. sustva.

!•' A. dhva, B.C. ddliva. ^o a. -an, B.C. udakran. '^^ B.C. ta.

" B.C. vaideva -^ D. pa ^4 j^\\ ^a^^. apagh-. -» B.C. ca

-^ A. om. -■^ B.C. vacanain '-* A.D. ava

-^ A.D. -lii, B.C. -mm ^^ A.D. vadhismam, B.C. avadlnstliam

»» B.C. hi, D. ehi 3- B.C. -aiiim ^s 4j)_ ajuavisthi

3* A.D. -yen

'" A.D. 13'at, as read the mss. in JUB. iii. 17, 1, and see below, critical
note 47. 3« d_ _e " B.C. -jyase ■''^ B.C. vTryyema

3" A. manj^asa *<• A. va " A.D. vani. B.C. sam

« B.C. ed " B.C. -ti ** All mss. -cliaini *'' B.C. j'athe

** A.D. blrresan, B.C. e.sa(,Mi " A.D. Tj^at, see above, critical note 35.

*^ All mss. bhu

*" B.C. -hu- ; for -va- see Whitney, Grammar^ §§ 5(j0, e anil G50. I).
'"^ A.D. repeat siii 'va ^' A.D. justo, B.C. yajuso -^^ All mss. -va

53 B.C. -ta ''" AD. sa, B.C. sva s^ A.D. srdie •"" D. dardha-

5' A.D. -avac-

Conirihiitious Jroiii the Jaiminiya Braliinaiia. 157

sai Aa tatra prayaycittih.^^ 9. atha yady anupasmrtat- kuta^ idam^
ajanl^ ti bhur bhuvas'^ svas'' svahe 'ty ahavanlye juhavatha.s sai
'va tasya sarvasya ])rayagcittih.9 10. tad 3'atha cirnaih tat parvana
parva saiiidha3'aio bhisajyed^i evam evai 'vaiii vidvans tat sarvaiii
bhisaj\'aty 1- atha 3"asyai 'tad avidvan prayagcittiih '^ karoti yatha
clrnenai-i eirnaih saiiidadhy ac '^•^ chlrnei^ va bharam^' adhyadadh^'at^s
tadrk tat. 11. tasmad u liai 'vaiiividam ^9 eva^o prayaccittim karayeta.
12. tad ahur yad rca hotrtvam-^ kriyate yajusa "dhvaryavarii^s sam-
no23 'dgitho^-i 'tha kena brahmatvam kriyata iti. ana^^a trayya
vid3'a3e -^'' "ti ha bray at. tasmad u'^^ yam 27 eva brahmistham'-^^ man3'-
eta taiii brahmanaiii^s kurvTta. sa ha vava brahma ya evaiii veda.

2. Translation.

357. 1. Prajapati desired to procreate. He performed fervid de-
votions.3" 2. He desired : ' Come now, I will create a fomidation so
that the creatures which I shall create will firmly stand upon it,3i^
not, walking- without a lirm foundation, stumble.32 He created this
world, the world of atsmosphere, [and] yonder world. 4. Having
created these three worlds he exerted himself, he thoroughl3' heated
them. From them thoroughl3' heated three luminous [bodies] went
up : Agni from the earth, Vayu from the atmosphere, Adit3'a from
heaven. 5. These luminous [bodies] he again heated up. From
them thorough^ heated three luminous [bodies] went up : the Rigveda
from Agni, the Yajurveda from Vayu, the Samaveda from Adit3'a.

1 A.B.C. -ccittiritir. « x.D. -uva- » ^q j^^a * B.C. itim

^ B.C. ajuiii. * All mss. -^a '' A.D. oin.

* B.C. -Im- : for -va- see Wliitne\\ Gramviar, §§ 560. e and 650, b.

" B.C. repeat tasya sarvasj^a praj-agcittih. "^ B.C. -j^a

^' A.D. ntisaj\'ed '^ A. abhisaj-, B.C. abliisij-, D. abhisuj-

»» B.C. -ttam >* B.C. om. '^ A.B.C, -dli^^^ i« D. chu--

'" This is the reading- of A and D. B.C. read liarani, CB. xi. 5. 8. 6

garam. see tlie note below. ''^ A.D. adlij^ildrapsvat ^" B.C. -dem

"« B.C. a 21 A.B.C. -tratv- 2- a.D. dlivaryyuba

-5 B.C. sameno -* B.C. -tha 25 d_ vi(jye ^e a.D. a

-" B.C. bbam -'* A. bralimisum, D. brabmisthur, B.C. brahisthani

-** B.C. brahmanani
3" Deussen, Allgemcine Geschichte der Philosophic, I, 1, 1894, p. 182, ' Beide

Vorstellung-en, die der Bebriitung und die der Selbstkasteiimg werdeii.

wir immer gegenwartig lialten miissen, wo von dem tapas die Rede ist.'
^^ I cannot parallel the accusative in this cousti'uction.
"- See the notes below.

158 H. Oertel,

6. These luminous [bodies] he again heated up. From them thorough-
ly heated three luminous [bodies] went up : ' bhus ' from the Rigveda,
' bhuvas ' from the Yajurveda, ' svar ' from the Samaveda. This same,
verily, is the luminous [essence] of the threefold knowledge. vSo great
is this All. Verily, what the world of one who knows the three-
fold knowledge is, that becomes the world of him who knows thus.
358. 1. Now then Prajapati having created the sacrilice went up
upward. 2. He said to the gods : ' Extend ye^ the sacrilice b}- means
of the threefold Veda.' .3. These gods, performing their sacrilice
by means of this threefold Veda, smote away evil, they found (the
way to) the heavenly world. They said : ' In that we, performing
our sacrifice b}' means of this threefold Veda, have smitten away
evil we have found (the way to) the heavenly world. If now to-
day our sacrifice here should go stumbling, how shall we heal it ? '
4. Prajapati said to them : ' [With the words :] " What was the splen-
dour, power, strength, [and] essence of this threefold Veda that, for
sooth, I offered up- unto you," I bestowed these sacred utterances :
with them ye should heal it.' 5. If3 this sacrifice should go stum-
bling in respect of the re ye should make an offering in the garjiapa-
ty a-fire, [saying : j ' bli/ls svdhd ' ; that is the expiation in that case.
6. And if in respect of the yajus, ye should make an offering in
the agnldhra, [saying:] ^bhuvas svdhd''] that is the expiation in that
case. 7. And if in respect of the saman, ye should make an offering
in the ahavanlya-fire, [saying :] ' svas svdhd ' ; that is the expiation
in that case. 8. And if either in the havis- and animal sacrifices'^
or in the new-moon and full moon sacrifices, ye should make an
offering in the anvaharyapacana-fire, [saying :] ' bhuvas svdhd ' ; that
is the expiation in that case. 9. And if in respect to something not
remembered, [when they say :] ' Whence hath this arisen ?, ' ye
should make an offering in the ahavanlya-fire, [saying :] ' bhdr bhuvas
svas svdhd ^ ; that is the expiation for- this all. 10. As one would
mend something broken [by] putting together joint with joint, even
so one who knows thus mends all this, and if one who does not
know thus performs the expiation for anyone, that is exactly as if
one were to put something broken with something broken, or as
if one were to put a load on something that is broken. 11. And

^ This is Whitney's rendering of the technical term; Eggeling trans-
lates it by ' spread (perform).'

* A first person present would seem more appropriate in this quotation.

3 This should really form part of Prajapati's speech, but it is not so
marked. •* The case here changes to the locative.

Contributions from the Jaimimya Brahmana. 159

therefore one should appoint only one who knows thus to perform
the expiation. 12. They say this: 'Inasmuch as the hotr's work is
performed by means of the re, and the adhvaryu's work by means
of the yajus, and the udgatr's work by means of the saman, now
then by what means is the brahman-priest's work performed ? ' He
should say : ' By means of this threefold knowledge.' And therefore
one should appoint him the brahman-priest whom one considers
the ])est brahman-priest. And truly he is a brahman-priest who
knows thus.

3. Notes.

JB. i. 357 is verbatim like JUB. iii. 15. 4-9 with two exceptions
only, viz. JUB. iii. 15. 4 reads pradaghisyanta for JB. i. 357. 2 pra-
darpisyanta, and JUB. iii. 15. 9. reads tad eva tad dha vai for JB.
i. 357. 7 tad etad dha vai.

AB. V. 32. 1 corresponds in substance with JB. i. 357. 1 and
3-6 ; it has nothing parallel to JB. i. 357. 2, but adds that from the
three vyahrtis in turn the syllable oih was extracted and apportions
the Vedas to their respective priests.

(j^B. xi. 5. 8. 1-4 (first half) corresponds in sul^stance with JB. i.
357. 1-6 ; QB. xi. 5. 8. 4 (second half) contains the apportionment
of the Vedas to their respective priests parallel to AB. v. 32. 3.

SB. i. 5. 7 is very concise and, reversing slightly the order of
creation, makes Prajapati first create the three Vedas, from them
he extracts the vyahrtis, and these, in turn, become the three worlds.

Chand. Up. iv. 17. 1-3 substantially corresponds to JB. i. 357.
1 and 3-6. There is no exact parallel to JB. i. 357. 7 = JUB. iii.
15. 9 in the other texts.

2. pratistham : Cf. ^B. vii. 1. 2. 1 (end), 2, 3, 8.

pradarpisyante : The Petersburg dictionaries do not give any finite
forms of the "V^drp -f pra nor the meaning of ' stumble ' to the root
drp. The sense of ' stumble ' which I have given here to the com-
pound verb pra-drp might also be suggested for the simple root drp
in QB. iii. 2. 1. 9 : atha yad agra eva madhya upavi^ed ya enarii
tatra 'nusthya hared drapsyati va pra va patisyati 'ti tatha hai 'va
syat. Eggeling translates this : ' Were he, on the other hand, to
sit down at once in the middle (of the skin) and were any one
there to curse him, saying, " He shall either become demented or
fall down headlong, " then that would indeed come to pass.' But

160 H. Oertcl;

the context seems to favour ' he shall stumble," ^ ' miss his footing/
' er soil stolpern ' (The commentary explains draps3'ati l^}^ drptah
kutsitagatir lDhavis3'ati). If so interpreted. (^B. iii. 2. 1. 9 is parallel
to 2 QB. xiii. 1. 3. 4, 2. 1. 6: i9varo va esah paran pradaghor yah
paracir ahutir juhoti, and TB. i. 3. 7. 7. (p. 57, 8) : Ig-varo va esah
parail pradaghah, and the A^drp in CB. iii. 2. 1. 9 is identical in
meaning with the V^dagh + pra in CB. xiii. 1. 3. 4, 2. 1. 6, TB. i.
3. 7. 7 exactly as the V"dr|) + pra in JB. i. 357. 2 is identical in
meaning with the Vdagh -f- pra in JUB. iii. 15. 4. The meanings
' toll sein,' ' ausgelassen sein,' ' iibermiitig sein ' which the Petersburg
dictionaries assign to the Vdrp are easily reconciled with ' stumble '
(' skip '). Compare especially the combination of drpta with unmutta
in AB. ii. 7. 8 : yarii (scil. vacaiii) vai drpto vadati yrmi unmattah
sa vai raksasi vak, where the commentator (p. 290, 6) takes drpta
in the sense of ' overbearinaf.'

JB. i. 358. The chapter falls into three parts : (a) Prajapati
turns the sacrifice over to the gods, 1—4 ; (b) The specific expiation
pertinent to mistakes in the several Vedas, 5—11; and (cj How does
the brahman-priest, though not ])ossessing a Veda of his own, parti-
cipate in the sacrifice ?

On the whole, AB. v. 32. 4-33. 1 is the closest parallel to our
text: (a) = AB. v. 32. 4, (b) = AB. v. 32. 5-6, (c) = AB. v. 33. 1.

hi QB. xi. 5. 8 the turning over of the sacrifice b}^ Prajapati to
the gods is implied ; (b) = ^B. xi. 5. 8. 5-6, (c i = ^B. xi. 5. 8. 7.

SB. i. 5. 8 parallels (b).

Chand. Up. iv. 17. 4—8, 10 parallels (b), with a special gatha,
not found elsewhere, added in 9.

JUB. iii. 17. 1—3 parallels (b) but is widel}- divergent in the word-
ing and contents, and JUB. iii. 17. 4—10 parallels, but onl}^ re-
motely, (c).

For (b), Laty. CS. iv. 11. 4 and a section from an Atharvaveda
Prayagcittasutra published by Caland in IVZKM., xviii, 1904, p. 202
furnish further parallels.

1 Cf. the Vlivar, VS i. 2 (CB. i. 7. 1. 11, for other references see Bloom-
field's concordance) dniliasva mil livilh, ' stand steady', do not waver,' and
l/^hval, CB. V. 1. 3. 6 = 14 ^ 5. 4. 34, hvalati vil esa yo yajiiapatliad eti,
' he verilj' stumbles who departs from the path of the sacrifice,' and
especially CB. v. 2. 4. 20. tarn eva tat pratyag dliurvati, ' him indeed lie
tluis causes to fall backward.' - See P^Y. under V dagh -(- pra.

Coutribntious from the Jaiininiya BraJinmna.

161

Text

Source of lapse

Name of fire

Expiatory
utterance

JB.

re

garhapatya

bhils svahii

(.B.

i;

,,

bhiis

AB.

1?

blius

^^.

,.

bhus svaha

Chiind. Up.

t:

J,

bhus svaha

JUB.

11

the brahman priest offers

bhus bhuvas

ill the agnidlu-a

svar

Atli. Pray.

7?

garhapatya

oiii l)luis

JB.

yajus

agnldhra ; in case of isti-
pavubandhas or darcapor-
uamasas in the anvahar-
yapacana (= daksiiiagni)

bluvas svaha

CB.

i:

rignldhiiya ; in case of ha-

viryajiia in the anvaharya-

pacana (= daksinagni)

bhuvas

AB.

))

agnidliiiya ; in case of ha-
viryajfias in the anvahar-
yapacana (= daksinagni)

bhuvas

SB.

55

anvaharyapacana (= dak-
sinagni)

bhuvas svaha

CIkuuI. Up.

i:

daksinagni (= anvaharya-
pacana)

bhuvas svaha

JUB.

f!

the ]>r ah man-priest offers

liluir ))huvas

in the agnldhra

svar

Ath. Pray.

"

daksinagni (^= anvaharya-
pacana)

om bhuvo janat

JB.

samaii

jiliavanTya

svas svaha

CB.

,,

11

svar

AB.

11

svar

SB.

11

11

svas svaha

Cliaiid. Up.

1-1

11

svas svaha

JUB.

the brahman-priest offers

l)hur bhuvas

in the agnldhra

svar

Atli. Pray

,-

ahavanlya

om svar janat

JB.

" aiiupasmrta "

ahavanlya

bhilr bhuvas
svas svaha

CB.

" avijnata"

11

'• sarvanj' anu-
drntj'^a "

AB.

" avijnata sarva

11

])hm' bhuvas

vyapad va "

svar

JUB.

•' aiuipasmrta '"

the brahman priest offers

bhur bhuvas

in the agnldhra

svar

Ath. Pray

atliarva

ahavanlya

orii bhur bhuvas
svar janat

Trans. Con

N. Acad.. Vol. X'^

J. 11

July, 1909.

162 H. Oertel,

1. urdhvah : Speijer, Sanskrit Syntax, ^ 243, p. 187; Delbriick,
Altindische Syntax, § 48, p. 78-79.

5. sa yadi etc. : the table on p. 161 shows the agreement and
discrepancies of the different parallel texts in detail.

10. 9lrne va bharam : the reading garam in the very close parallel
of QB. xi. 5. 8. 6 is so problematic an improvement, as far as the
sense of the passage is concerned, that I have retained the reading
of A and D (though bharam would be preferable). The compar-
isons in the other texts are less close, cf. the note to JUB. iii. 17. 3.

//. Ceremonies connected ivith the Atiratra-sacrifxce. The race of the
gods for the acvina-castra. The marriage of Prajapati's daughter.

(JB. i. 208-213.J

1 . Text.

JB. i. 208. 1 ahnoi sura nutta^ ratrim^ pravicans^ te deva etani
samany'' apagyann*^ etan" paryayaiis^ tair enan anvabhyavayans ^ tan'^
paryayena^^ 'ghnan.^2 2. yat^s paryayam aghnans tat paryayanaih
paryayatvam. paryayam eva dvisantaiii bhratrvyaiii hanti ya evaiii
veda. 3. ye prathamaratrena channa asans tan prathamena parya-
yena 'ghnan. yat prathamasya paryayasya prathamani padani pu-
naradlni bhavanti ye prathamaratrena channa bhavanti tan eva tena
ghnanti. 4. ye madhj^aratrena channa asans tan madhyamena parya-
yena 'ghnan. yan madhyamasya paryayasya madhyamani padani
punaradini bhavanti ye madhyaratrena^'i channa bhavanti tan eva
tena ghnanti. 5. ya uttamaratrena channa asans tan uttamena parya-
yena 'ghnan. yad uttamasya paryayasyo 'ttamani padani punaradini
bhavanti ya uttamaratrena i^ channa bhavanti tan eva tena ghnanti.
6. pvmarabhighatam 1*^ vavai^'^ 'nans is tad aghnan. yatha vai hatva

1 A.D. iilio, B.C. anlio -- B.C. -a ^ ^.C. -ih

* All mss. pra- » A.D. -ni ^ A.D. pacj- ' B.C. -at

* A.D. -yaiiis, B.C. -yas " D. an-, B.C. anvaliya-
'0 A. inserts prathamena i' B.C.D. paryyayam
^- B.C. aglmanan

1* From here on tliere are a considerable number of patent transpo-
sitions, omissions, and repetitions in the mss. which I have not thought
it worth while to report.

^* D. madhyamara-, this is also the reading of TMB. ix. 1. 16 and
KS. xvii. 8. »5 A.D. parariitrena, B.C. var-. '" B.C. -api-

1' B. vave, B.C. vavai, D. vave. is a.B.C. nas

Contributions froui flic Jiunnniya Bmlnuaya. lo;5

punari hanyat^ tadrk tat. punarabhii^hatam eva dvisantaih bhratrvyaih
hanti'^ ya evaih veda.

209. 1. carvarl vai nama ratrih. te deva abruvann api vai na9
carvaryam'^ abhud iti. tad eva 'picarvaranam^ apicarvaratvam. api
ha^ va asya 9arvaryarii bhavati ya evam veda. 2. asuresu va"^ idam
agra aslt. tad^ deva abhijitya^ 'bruvan kena^^ nv ahoratre upar-
istat saiiidadhyame 'ti. ta etad^i rathaiiitaram sandliim apacyans
tena 'horatrei'^ uparistat^^ samadadhur ^^ yat samadadhus tat saiidhes
sandhitvam.15 3. acvinam ha khalu vai^^ sandher uktham. mahatii''
ratre sandhina stuvanty a suryas3'oi8 'diter^^ ayvinam anucasyate
"horatrayor eva saiiitatya ahoratrayos^o samarariibhaya.21 4. aho-
ratre 22 deva abhijitya te vajram eva paridhim akurvata pacunarii
gup ty a 23 asuranam anabhyavacaraya.2* tad yad eta usniho 'ntatah
kriyante vajro^o va^s usniho vajrenai 'va tat pagun parigrhnanty27
anaparopaya.28 na 'sya vittam^s aparopyate^o ya evarii veda.

210. 1. asuresu va idam^^ agra32 asit.31 tad^s deva^i abhijitya^*
bruvan vl 'dam bhajamaha iti. 2. tasya vibhage na*^^ samapada-

yans36 te 'bruvann ajim asya 'yame 'ti. 3, ta^'' ajim ayann agneh
prathamo^s ratha asides atho^^ 'saso 'tha '^vinos^i tav agvinav acvl
agvyam^s atyakurutam.^s 4. tau dravantaV** agnih paryudatisthat.^s
tav^e abrutam'i" ati nau srjasve'^8 'ti. ne 'ty abravid anu'^9 nu ma

' B.C. pniia

- A. hanya, D. lianyat, B.C. lianyat (for the lingual u after puuar see

note to JUB. i. 5. 1, Whitney, Grammar, § 194, Wackernagel, Altind. Gramm.,

I, p. 191, § 171 and the interesting division samndre na suggested for

RV. iii. 36. 7 by Bloomfield, JAOS. xxvii, p. 77.

3 D. liaranti * A. ^arvayam ^ B.C. -var- " B.C. bha

' B.C. va 5 B.C. te » B.C. -jata 10 B.C. tena

11 B.C. -ill, D. -nd 12 B.C. -tro >-^ B.C. paristhat

** B.C. samadayuy " A.D. -tvani i" D. vais

1' B.C. mahiti i* A. -ye, B.C. -ya i'-* A.D. deter, B.C. deto

" A. horat- -1 A. -bhay- -- B.C. -a -^ A.C. gupya

2* A.B.C. nabh- ^^ A. -e

-'' A. nva; B.C. read emii 'va for vajro va usniho -' A. -naty

-^ A.D. aparapaya, B.C. aparavaviiya -" B.C. -aiii ^^ B.C. parop-

'> B.C. om. -'2 A.B.C. om. =*» B.C. om., A. a, D. ta

'* A. bhi- ^* D. -a '^ B.C. sanmapadenayaiis

3' All mss. ta ^s xjy. -maiii ^u ^.C, ad *<> B.C. adho

" D. ao-

*2 B.C. agyam^yam ; neither here nor below at 213. 6 have I been able

to emend the text. *' B.C. atvakurutam ** D. drv-

" A.D. yadatisthat " D. ta " D. brutam

*^ B.C. snijasve *^ A.D. ana

164 H. Oertel,

'bhajatam^ iti. trtuaiii- ta it}' abrutam avabhyaihS t\' eva 'khya)'atad
iti. tathe 'ti tav atyarjata.'^ 5. tau dravanta usah^ paryudatisthat.*^
tav aljiTitam ati'' nfiu srjasve ti. ne 'ty abravid anuS nu ma 'bha-
jatam iti. trtlyaiii ta it\' abrutam ^ avabhyaiii^'^ tv eva'^^ 'khyayatad
iti.i2 tathe 'ti tav atyarjata.^3 q_ ta^* udajayetam.^^ <i,^ y^iG etam
a9vinori'' ujjitirii^s veda yatra^^ kama3'ata ud iha-^ jayeyam ity ut
tatra^i jayati. ya^^ u evai 'tfim agnec co "sasac-'^ ca iivabhaktim'-i
veda yatra-5 kamayateS^^ 'nvalDhakta iha S3'am it}' anvabhaktas tatra
bhavati. 7. tasman nanadevatyas-' stuvanty-S atha "^vinam ity eva
'khyayate. varevrtaiii hi tat tayoh.

211. 1. ahoratrayor vai devasura^s adhisaiinatta asahs te deva ahar
abhyajayann atha 'sura rcaili^" ca-"^^ ratriih ca pravincan. 2. te de\a
abruvann ardhino^s va asya ])hu\anasya^'^ 'bhuma katham satra ratrim
abhijayema ratnair^* nv^o abhyavayame^'^ "ti tava^' chandase "t}-
agnim^s abruvahs tava stomene 'ti 'ndraiii tava saiiipade 'ti praja-
patirh yusmakam ayatanene 'ti vicvanSO devan. 3. 3'ad agnim abru-
vans tava chandase 'ti tasmad gaj'atrlsu stuvanti 3'ad indram abruvahs
tava stomene 'ti^stasmat-^Opancadacastomo ratrer yatprajapatim abru-
vahs tava sariipade 'ti tasmad anustubham sampad3^ate 3'ad vigvan devan
abruvan yusmakam ayatanene "ti'^o t^smaj jagat3'o "nu^ahsanti. 4. tan-^i
samdhina42 'bhipalayanta'^^ 'gvinena'** 'sariihe3'am45 agama3'ann'is asam-
heyani*" ha vai dvisantam bhratrvyam gamayati^^ ya evaih veda.

212. 1. ahoratrabh3'am vai deva 49 asuran''^ nirhrtya^^ tans trivrtai^s
'va vajrena°^ 'bhinyadadhur ime vai lokas trivrta°2 ebhir evai 'nans

1 B.C. jatam - B C. mrt- * A.D. avablij^oii, B.C. iiviihya

* B.C. atyajata ^ B.C. puspil « A.D. lyud- " A.B.C. iti

« A.D. ana » B.C. ta i» B C. eva- " A. eiiva

12 A.D. om. 's B.C. ath}-- 1* B.C. tav ^^ bx\ ^^eja-

18 B.C. om. 1' A.B.C. avuior »» B. urjitaiii, B.C. u-jitaiii

*" B.C. traj-a ^ after j'atra A.D. repeat kama j-atra 2" B.C. ibha

" A. taratra "-"- A.D. tatra 23 3 c. sac ^4 ^q. tva-

" B.C. traj^a ^g g q kaniate ^7 ^jy -tj^assa, B.C. -tya

-* B.C. repeat Si stuvaiitj- -" A. deva asura

3* A. rca, B.C. macaii ^^ A. om. '- B.C. a^vino

3» B.C. -j^ava ^^ so D ; A. rakair, B.C. ratter ^^ All mss. ami.

38 A. -vaj^a-, B.C. -vaj-am- ^7 ^.C. tac »^ B.C. -iv

3" The words from vigvan to stomene 'ti are found in D onlj' ; D. vicvan
■"^ The words from tasmat to a3'atanene 'ti are omitted in A, and B.C.
omit yusmakam aj'atanene "ti. *' B.C. tat *- B.C. saiitiddhina

** A. -ayatv, D. -aj^aiitv ** A.D. a^-v-. B.C. -nona

*5 D. saiiiliA^e^'am, B.C sahej'aiii ** B.C. om.

*" A.D. asaiiih3^e3'am, B.C. om. ** D. jj^amati *•' D. dedeva

*'^ A. sura *' B.C. -j^as '- All mss. trv- "* B.C. vajrana

Coiitribittions from the Jnimimya Bniluiiana. 165

tal lokair abhinyadadhus^ tasmad'^ ahur nai 'va tavad asura anva-
bhavitaro^ yavad ime loka bhavitara ity ebhir-* hi lokair abhinihitah.
2. esa va agnistomasya ca saihvatsarasya ca saiiima yad^ ratric*^ ca-
turvin(;atyardhamasas' saihvatsarac "^ caturvincati^ ratn'a^ ukthama-
daiii trini savanani trayah'O paryaya^^ ratrim eva tat^' trisavanam
kurvanty atho enrm tad ahna iva samutkalpayanti. 3. ahoratre deva
abhijitya^'^ te 'mum adityaiii savanrdr eva pratyancam anayaiisi* tarii
paryayaih punah prancaih tarn acvinena purastad^o udastabhnuvans^'^
tasmad ahuri" no 'dite surya agvinam anucasyam^s iti vi hai 'nam^^
gamayati.20 4. sa ya etad^i evaih^'-^ veda nlto-^ "sya savanair asav
adityah--! pratyan bhavaty anltah-° punah paryayaih pran'-^ uttab-
dhah-" jiurastad agvineno 'bhe'-S asya^s 'horatre^o sprte avaruddhe^^
l)havato bhogaya 'sma adityah^-' ketunc^^ carati.

213. 1. athai 'sa rathaiiitaras^i sahdhirSo bhavati. 2. praja]3atir
usasamSG svaih duhitaraih^^ brhaspataye prayacchat.^^ tasya etat
sahasram acvinaih vahatum anvakarot.^o 3. sa devan abravid'^'^
iyam-*! eva mama yusmakam etad itarad^'- iti. tasmad yada^s
'nryahso** jayam*^ vindate vy eva vahatum ■^s adicati.'^' 4. te deva
abruvan vl 'daih bhajamaha iti. 5. tasya vibhage na samapadayans
te 'bruvann'18 ajim asya 'yame ti. 6. ta ajim a3'ann agneh prathamo
ratha asid atho 'saso^^ 'tha 'gvinos tav acvinav acvl a9viyam°o atya-
kurutam.f*! 7. tau deva abruvan^- varo '3'aih°3 vam atha nas saha
'stv iti. tasmrm nanadevatyas^'^ stuvanty°^ atha 'cvinam ity eva°6

1 A.D. abhityadadliu ^ j^ q tasyad =» B.C. -filia-

' B.C. -bin •" A.D. yada, B.C. yaiid « A.D. trir

' B.C. om. 8 B c Ij xjy y.^_ 10 X.J), -ya

■1 A.D. veiyyaryyfi, '^ A.B C. ta, D. tnat »« A.D. -jatya

'■« B.C. au- '5 B.C. p3^ar- »« B.C. udattabdha ivaiis

'" B.C. aliaii ^* B.C. itigasyam ^'■' A iiamaiii, B.C. iiainmaiii

" B.C.D. gayati, A.D. omit the following sa. ^i ^.C. tad

" B.C. ivaiii " A.D. into =f* B.C. idityaih ^^ b.c. -tah

-« B.C. prand " xJ). npt- ^s ^.C. lie ^o x sya

3" B.C. ahor- =>! ^.C. -ruiidlie ^2 x. -a •''s A.D. kaikuiiu;

34 x.T>. ratliaiitara ^5 g.C. saiitir ^s J3 c. us;im

3^ A.C. -liitaiii 3^ B.C. prayaccit '" A. anvaliakarot

*« A.D. -vl *' A.D. yam " A.D. -ra « A.D. ya

•** B.C. nnii^aso " x.J). -yam >« D. hatum *' A. avic-

*^ D. bruv- *» B. so

*° B.C. read acyyacvam for acvl a^vij-am ; see above at 210. 3

*i A.D. -kurat-, B.C. atyakurutam. ""- D. al)rriv-

^' All mss. vare, and A.D. ya for 'j^aiii.

^* B. -diiiv-, all mss. -y^ ^° A.D. suvantj', B. siistuvanty.

^-^ B. om.

166 H. Oertel,

'khya3ate 'gnaye^ prathamri3'a stuvanty atho 'sase^ 'tha^ 'cvibhyani'i
evarii hy esam eta^ ujjitayah. 8. ekaiii sama dve chahdasl^ dvipa-
dam" evaS tac catuspatsu^ pacusv adh3'uhatiio tasmadi^ dvipac
catuspadahi2 pa^un adhitisthati. 9. anudite sui^-e paridadh^'ad 3'aiii
kama3^eta paplyan syad iti^^ papnan eva bhavati.^^ 10. V3'usite
paridadh3'ad yaih kama3'eta na 'rvaili^o na paras i^ syad iti nai 'va^"
'rvailis na paro bhavati bahuvarsi ha tu'^ parjanyo bhavati. 11. udite
paridadhyad yaii: kama3eta cre3'an S3'ad rucam-'^ acniuite 'ti ci'e3'an
eva bhavati rucam^i acnute.

2. Translation.

208. 1. Driven from da3-, the Asuras entered night. The gods
saw these samans; the3' rounded them 22 (the Asuras) up; by means
of these (samans) the3' went down after them; b3' means of the
' round ' they slew them. 2. Because the3' slew them rounding them
up, therefore the ' rounds ' are named so. Rounding him up he
sla3's the hateful rival who knows thus. 3. The [Asuras] who were
concealed b3' the first part of the night, those they slew iDy means
of the first ' round." In that the finst stanzas of the first ' round '
are repeated, thereb3' the3' slay those who are concealed b3' the
first part of the night. 4. The [Asuras] who were concealed b3'
the middle part of the night, those the3' slew 133' means of the
middle ' round.' In that the middle stanzas of the middle ' round '
are repeated, thereby the3' sla3' those who are concealed hy the
middle part of the night. 5. The [Asuras] who were concealed by
the last part of the night, those they slew b3' means of the last
' round.' In that the last stanzas of the last ' round ' are repeated,
thereb3' they slay those who are concealed by the last part of the
night. <j. With repeated blows they slew them. As, having struck
[a man], one might strike again, so is this. With repeated blows
he slays his hateful rival who knows thus.

209. 1. The night, indeed, is called ' the Dark.' The gods said :
'Verily, we have gained a sharers in the Dark.' This in the reason

1 D. ag- - B. -so 3 Aj) thilin, B. om. * A.D. ac-

^ B. etlia " B. cliaiidaiiisi, and inserts ta ' B. -pad- * B. evaiii
••• B. -pat i» B. adhuh-, B. addliuli- i' A.D. -nio, B. -ma

^- B. -pada " B. inserts partthi '■* A. bliaiiiditi, D. bhavaditi

15 B. rvaiida »« A.D. -a, B. -i »^ B. va >« B. rvaiida

"^ B. bhavatu for ha tu ^^ ^_ ream, D. dilcam -^ A.D. ruc-

"-"^ A^i + pari, for the sake of the et^anology of parj-aj'a.
-^ Vbliu -}- api, impersonallj' construed as Vas-Hapi (P.W. s. v.j

Coutrihutious from the Jiuniiniya Brahmana. 167

why the Dark-sharing i [-metres] are called so. He, indeed, gains
a share in the Dark who knows thus. 2. In the beginning this
[universe] was with the Asuras. The gods, having conquered it,
said : • By what means may we join together da}" and night at the
end ■ ? They saw this rathariitara-saman as joint, b}' means of it
the}' joined together day and night at the end. Because they joined
them together that is the reason why the saihdhi[-stotra]- is called
so. 3. Addressed to the Acvins, indeed, is the ^astra^ of the saihdhi
[-stotra]. \\\ the dead of night they chant the saihdhi[-stotra], till
the sun has risen they recite thereafter the (yastra] addressed to
the Acvins, in order to connect da}- and night, in order completel}'
to encompass da}' and night. 4. The gods having won day and
night made the thunderbolt the enclosure* for the protection of the
cattle, so that the Asuras should not rush down upon [them|. Now
as to the fact that these [verses in the] usnih-metre are used at the
end, — the [verses in the] usnih-metre are the thunderliolt ; b}"
means of the thunderbolt they thus enclose the cattle, in order that
they may not be torn awa}'. His property is not torn away, who
knows thus.

210. 1. In the beginning this [universe] was with the Asuras.
The gods, having conquered it, said : ' Let us divide it among our-
selves.' 2. They could not agree as to its division. They said :
' Let us run a race for it.' 3. They ran a race for it. Agni's
chariot was first, then [came that] of the Dawn, then [that] of the
Acvins. These two Agvins . . .^ 4. As these two were driving along,
Agni blocked [their way|. The two said: ' Let us pass.' 'No,' said
he, ' unless you two give me a share.' ' One third [be] thine,' they
said, 'but let it be named from us two only." [Saying:] 'Yes,' he
let the two pass. 5. As these two were driving along, the Dawn

1 A mechanical translation to bring ont the pun.

- • ludependamnient de quelques parties de chant semees ca et la dans
la ceremonie, on a vu que Tagnistoma comporte en tout douze grandes
executions en trio. Cliacune d'elles se nomme un stotram.' Caland-
Henry, L'Agnistoma, p. xii.

* • A cliaque stotra des chantres doit repondre une recitation solennelle
(castrani), sequence plias ou inoins longue de stances du Rig- Veda, de-
clamee par un seul officiant, soit le hotar, soit un autre pretre du rite de
ce Veda," Caland-Henr}^, L'Agnisioma^ p. xiii.

* I. e. • les trois biiches d'enceinte, de la longueur du bras du sacriti-
ant, qu'on pose respectivement a I'ouest, au sud et au nord de Tahavanij^a
avant d'y faire oblation ' (Caland-Henry, L'AgnMoma^ p. xxxv).

* I have not been able to make good sense out of the next words.

168 H. Ocrtcl,

blocked [their wa}]. The two said : ' Let us pass.' ' No,' said she,
' unless you two give me a share.' • One third [be] thine,' they
said, ' but let it be named from us two only'. [Sa3'ing :] ' Yes," she
let the two pass. 6. These two won ovit. He who knows this
victory of the Agvins, where he wishes : ' May I win out here,' there
he wins out. And, likewise, he who knows this participation of
Agni and the Dawn, where he wishes : ' May I be a participator
here,' there be becomes a participator. 7. Therefore [while] they
chant [verses] addressed to several divinities, 3'et is [this castra]
named after the Agvins only, for that was their chosen boon.

211, 1. The gods and the Asuras were [engaged] in a contest
about day and night. The gods conquered day, then the Asuras
entered both the re and night. 2. The gods said : ' Verily, sharers
in [only] half of this creation have we become ; how ma}' we complete-
ly conquer night ? Let us descend with [our] treasures." ' With
thy metre,' they said to Agni, 'With thy stoma,' ^ [the}' said] to In-
dra, ' With thy success,' [they said] to Prajapati, ' With your al^ode,'
[they said] to the All Gods. 3. Because they said to Agni : ' With
thy metre,' therefore they chant [verses in] the gayatrl-metre ; be-
cause they said to Indra : ' With thy stoma,' therefore the lifteen-
fold stoma belongs to the night; because they said to Prajapati :
' With thy success,' therefore he accomplishes the anustubh ; because
they said to the All Gods : ' With your abode,' therefore they recite
thereafter with the jagati[-metre]. 4. By means of the sarhdhi
[-stotra] they put them to flight, by means of the [castra] addressed
to the Agvins they caused [them] to go to [their] undoing; he
causes his hateful rival to go to [his] undoing, who knows thus.

212. 1. The gods, having ousted the Asuras from day and night,
held them down with the threefold thunderbolt. These worlds
are threefold, with these worlds they thus held them down. There-
fore they say : ' So far as these worlds will be, so far the Asuras
will not be present.' For they are held down by these worlds.
2. "Verily the night[-service] is the identical measure of the Agnistoma
and of the year. The year has twenty-four half-months, and the
ukthas and potations of the night[-service] [amount to] twenty -four.
There are three pressings and three rounds. In this way they
make the night[-service] composed of three pressings. And likewise
they thus shape them out from the day. 3. The gods, having won

^ ' La maniere dont s'exectite un stotra est dite le stoma, et chaque
stoma porte un nom tecluiique tire de ses particularites d'execntion,*
Caland-Heiiry, L'.lon/ftfo/na, p. xii f.

Coiitrihutioiis from the Jainiiiiiya Brahuiaiia. 169

day and night, led yonder sun westward Ijy means of the pressings ;
[the}' led] him eastward again by means of the rounds ; they braced
him up in front by means of [the gastra] belonging to the Acvins.
Therefore they say : ' The A9vina[-castra] sltould not be recited when
the sun has risen.' For he causes him (the sunj to depart. 4. He
who knows this thus — yonder sun becomes led by him westward
bv means of the pressings, brought again eastward by means of
the rounds, braced up in front by means of the A^vina[-castra|.
both day and night become won, obtained, ]:)y him, for his enjo}"-
ment the sun shines.

213. 1. Now the sanidhi[stotra] is [chanted to] the rathaihtara
[tune|. 2. Prajapati gave his own daughter Usas to Brhaspati in
marriage. He brought this a9vina[-gastra consisting of a] thousand
[brhati-verses] as her wedding-gift. 3. He said to the gods : ' I [will
take nothing] liut this [woman], you [shall have] the rest.' There-
fore, when a noble-minded [man] wins a wife he distril^utes the wed-
ding-gift all around. 4. The gods said : ' Let us divide it among
ourselves.' 5. They could not agree as to its division. They said :
' Let us run a race for it.' 6. They ran a race for it. Agni's
chariot was lirst, then [came that] of the Dawn, then [that] of the
Acvins. These two Agvins . . . ^ 7. The gods said to these two :
' [Let] the boon [be] yours, Ijut let it be ours at the same time.
Therefore they chant [verses] addressed to various divinities, 3'et
[the gastraj is named after the Acvins only ; to Agni they chant first,
then to Usas, then to the Agvins, for in this manner were these
their victories. 8. One saman [there is], two metres. He thus
places the two-legged [man] on the four-legged animals, therefore
the two-legged [man] mounts the four-legged animals. 9. He should
pronounce the final stanza while the sun has not [yet] risen, if he
should wish with regard to a any one : ' May he be worse,' he cer-
tainly becomes worse. 10. He should pronounce the final stanza
at break of day, if he should wish with regard to any one : ' Ma}'
he be neither here nor yonder,' he certainly is neither here nor
yonder. But Parjanya becomes full of rain. 11. He should pro-
nounce the final stanza when the sun has risen, if he should wish
with regard to any one: 'May he be better, may he obtain splendour,'
he certainly l^ecomes better, he obtains splendour.

' I have not been able to restore the next words.

170 H. Oertel,

Notes.

208. 1-2 correspond to AB. iv. 5. 3 (= GB. ii. 5. 1), TMB. ix. 1. 3.

2. parya3anam : ' There are man}- difterent stomas, or forms of
chanting stotras . . . All these stomas . . . have two or more dif-
ferent varieties or arrangements, called vistuti, differing from one
another either in the order in which the several verses are to be
chanted or in regard to the number of repetitions which the corre-
sponding verses have to undergo. Besides stomas are generally
performed in three turns or rounds, par3'aya, consisting of a triplet
of verses (some of which may have to be repeated more than
once) ' Eggeling, SBE., vol. xxvi, p. 308, note 2 ; cf. also Caland
and Henry, UAgmsioma, 1, 1906, pp. xxxv, 159 (no. 129) and 237
(no, 155). — For the paryayas in connection with the atiratra-sacri-
fice see Eggeling SBE., vol. xli, pp. xvii f., 12 note 5, Hillebrandt,
Ritiiallitteratur, p. 138 § 71.

208. 3-5 correspond to KB. xvii. 8, TMB. ix. 1. 4-5, 16, 19,
AB. iv. 5. 4 (= GB. ii. 5. 2) and, with further elaborations, AB. iv.
6. 4-6.

208. 6. corresponds, more or less closely, to KB. xvii. 8, TMB.
ix. 1. 22, AB. iv. 6. 7.

209. 1. The parallel passage AB. iv. 5. 5 (= GB. ii. 5. 1) has
a similar punning etymology with Yas -f anu and api.

2. sahdhim : ' The distinctive feature of the Atiratra-sacrilace . . .
is an ' overnight ' performance of chants and recitations, consisting
of three rounds fparyaya] of four stotras and yastras each . . . The
twelve stotras, each of which is chanted to a different tune, are
followed up at daybreak, by the Sandhi-stotra, or twilight-chant,
consisting of six verses (Sama-veda S. ii. 99-104) chanted to the
Rathantara tune ' (Eggeling, SBE. vol. xli, p. xvii f.). ' Each of
the three couplets is, as usual, sung as a triplet, the three thus
producing the nine verses of the Trivrt-stoma. The Rathantara
tune, to which the couplets are to be sung, is given in the Uhya-
gana (Samaveda, vol. v, p. 381) but with different verses, viz.
Sama-veda i. 30, 31 (abhi tva yura nonumo), the verses most com-
monly sung to that famovis tune. The chanters' manuals of the
Atiratra (e. g. Ind. Off. MS. 1748) accordingly adapt the tune to
the verses here required (ena vo agniih namaso) ' (Eggeling, SBE.,
vol. xli, p. 127 note 1). Cf. also Haug in his translation of AB..
vol. ii, p. 266 f., note 19.

2. rathaihtaram sahdhim : AB. iv. 6. 1 ff".

Coufributioiis from the Jaiiuin/ya Bralunava. 171

3. acvinam : ' This chant [= the SandhistotraJ is succeeded b}
the Hotr's recitation of the A9vina-9astra, ^ a modification of the
ordinary prataranuvaka , or morning Htany . . . On the present
occasion tlie prataranuvaka is, however, to consist of as man}'
verses as, counting- their S3'llables, would make up a thousand
brhati verses (of thirty-six syllables each). The three sections of
the ordinar}' morning litan}- form the body of the A^vina-^astra,
which concludes, after sunrise, with verses addressed to Surya, the
sun ' (Eggeling, SBE., vol. xli, p. xviii). Cf. also Eggeling, SBE.,
vol. xliv, p. 92 f., note 2 and Haug's Translation of AB., vol. ii, p. 268,
note 1.

.3. uktham : 'synonyme plus ancien de c^astra,' Caland-Henry,
L'Agnisfonia, p. xxvii; cf. also Eggeling, SBE., vol. xli, p. xiv f.

3. mahati ratre : Cf. KB. xi. 8 (p. 52, 15), acvinam mahad uktham
maharatra upakuryat ; AB. ii. 15. 12 detines the phrase by pura
cakunivadat.

3. samarambhaya : I have taken it in the sense of avyavachedaya
in AB. i. 11. 7.

4. anabhyavacaraya : Cf. CB. i. 3. 4. 8, guptyai va abhitah pari-
dhayo bhavanty athai 'tat suryam eva purastad goptaraih karoti net
purastan nastra raksansy abhyavacaran iti. The p. w. registers
{Nachtrcige, I, p. 287, col. 3) anabhyavacaruka at MS. iii. 8. 7 (p. 104,
12) but does not give the noun anabhyavacara.

4. anaparopaya : The Petersburg dictionaries do not record the
noun anaparopa.

4. aparopyate: Cf. AV. v. 17. 7, jagad yac ca 'palupyate.

210. This chapter belongs with chai:)ter 213 below^ The two
correspond to AB. iv. 7-8, cf. also KB. xviii. 1, TMB. ix. 1. 35.

4. Vstha -\- pari-ud in the sense of "lAstha -f pari.

4. anu nu ma 'bhajatam. This use of nu with the imperative in
the sense of a hypotactical ' unless '-clause is similar to the cases
discussed b}' Delbruck, Altind. SynL, § 255, p. 515 ft'.

4. atyarjata : The same variation between the Vsrj (ati nau srjasva)
and Vvj (atyarjata) is found in AB. iii. 42. 1-4 (ati no 'rjasi and
na 'stuto 'tisraksj^e).

6. udajayetam : As all mss. agree on the middle I have hesitated
to change the reading to udajayatam.

211. 2. ratnair nu : A nu or some eqviivalent seems to be demanded
here, see Delbruck, Altiiid. Synt., § 255, 1, p. 515.

3. gayatrlsu: Cf., e. g., ^B. i. 8. 2. 13.

• TMB. ix. 1. 84. acvinaih liota 'nucaiisati.

172 H. Ocrfcl,

3. paucadagastoma : The three ways in which a stotra may be
arranged according to the paiicadaga-style are given b}' Eggehng,
SBE.. vol. xxvi, p. 308, note 2. — For its relation to Lidra, cf. e. g.
AB. iv. 31. 1; Nir. vii. 10; Eggeling, SBE., xii, p. xviii. — For the
connexion of Agni with the gayatrl and of Indra with the paiica-
daga-stoma see below, no. V., note to JB. i. 68—69 (p. 198).

3. jagatya: Cf., e. g., VS. ix. 33 d.

4. Nearly verbatim like TMB. ix. 1. 20-22.

4. Yi + pala-abhi ' fugare,' p. w. Nachtrage I, p. 298 a ' einen
Fliehenden verfolgen.'

4. asaihheyam : TMB. ix. 1. 21 and 22 read asamhayyam. The
PW. vii, p. 502 a interpreted this as aljsolutivum of Vha and trans-
lated it ' in der Lage sich nicht anfraffen zu konnen.' ^ But the
p. w., Nachtrage, vi, p. 297a corrects the reading to asaiiiharya-
and takes the latter {Nachtrage I, p. 296a) as an adverb in the
sense of ' auf Nimmerwiedersehen.' Whatever the reading, agamayan
seems to require it as its object. As the mss. of theJB. have uni-
formly e I have not emended the reading in that respect ; asaiiiheya
of JB. would be to asamhayya of TMB. as prahe3-a (AV. v. 17. 3c;
the corresponding RV. passage has prahye) is to prahayya (AV. xv.
3. 10, where the mss. are divided between -aryy-. -ary-, and -ay-,
a very pertinent parallel to the uncertainly about the TMB. reading).
About the meaning of asaihheya I do not feel at all certain. As
Vhi -f- sam means 'prepare' ' zuriisten ' it may be something like
' undoing ' by which I have rendered it.

212. 1. trivrta : Perhaps, under the circumstances, trvrta should
have been retained. It is difficult to say in such cases whether
the reading is a mere blunder or represents a real phonetic difference ;
cf. srdhas, AV. ii. 6. 5 (all of Whitney's and over half of SPP's
mss. ; l)ut nearly half of SPP's have sridhas) and MS. ii. 12. 5 (p. 149, 4.j
but sridhas, VS. xxvii. 6, TS. iv. 1. 7. 3, and Kath. xviii. 16 (p. 276,
17); sr'mah, MS. iv. 2. 9 (p. 31, 3) but srimah, AV. viii. 6. 10; krimnah
and krimayah ApCS. ix. 20. 2, kriminah, krime and krimin Ap(y"S.
XV. 19. 5 for krmi-; rigyapadim, AV. i. 18. 4 ('the mss. bungle all
the occurrences of this word ' Whitney.) for r'gya- (as the commen-
tator and three cf SPP's mss. read) ; apaprvSn, MS. ii. 10. 5 (p. 137,
11, but the padapatha reads apaprivan) but apaprivan, RV. x. 139. 2
(and the other parallel texts). In a similar manner TS. vii. 4, 13. 1

' Cf. AB. vii. 1.5. 4, saiiijihanas tu dvaparah.

- Followiiif;- tlie Commentarj', Avliich flosses saiiihayj'am l)y saiiiliartniu
ayog-yam.

Coiitrihiitioiis from the Jtiiiiiiiiiya Bniliiiiaija. 173

reads prsvabliN-ah iVVhitne}', Graniiiinr, ij 1190a) for prusvabhyah.
VS. xxii. 26 and KSA. iv. 2 ; MS. i. 5. 14 (and parallel texts), avihru-
tan Init AcCS. ii. 5. 2. 12 avihrtan ; AV. vi. 120. 3, ahrutas Ixit TA.
(Calcutta ed.) ii. 6. 2. 10, ahrtas (the Poona ed. reads ahrutas) ; VS.
xvi. 44, hrdaj-N'aya for TS. iv. 5. 9. 1, hradayyaya: CB. vi. 6. 2. 11,
krmuka proliably for the classical kramuka.

2. Cf. TMB. ix. 1. 23, esa va agnistomasya samma 3ad i-atrih. 24.
dvadaca stotranv agni.stomo dvadaca stotrani ratrih. 25. esa va
ukthas^a saiiima yad ratrih. 26. triny ukthani tridevatyah sahdhih.
27. yatha va ahna ukthany evam esa ratreh sahdhir.

2. ratric : ' night-service ' as QB. v. 5. 3. 3. This has twelve
stotras.

2. ukthamadrmi: Besides MS. i. 9. 2 (p. 132, 1) and i. 9. 8 (p. 139, 7)
the compound occurs also Kath. ix. 10 (p. 112, 4). Cf. Eggeling,
SBE., xli, p. xviii, ' At the end of each round (paryayaj libations
are offered, followed by the inevitable potations of Soma-liquor.
That the performance [of the Atiratra], indeed, partook largely of
the character of a regular nocturnal carousal may be gathered from
the fact, specially mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana, that each
of the Hotr's offering-formulas is to contain the three words — " andhas,"
Soma-plant (or liquor), "pa," to drink, and "mada," intoxication.
Accordingly, one of the formulas used is Rig-veda ii. 19. 1 apayy
asya 'ndhaso madaya " there has been drunk (b}- Indra, or by us)
of this juice for intoxication.'" "

2. .samutkalpa3'anti : Vklp -f sam-ud is not found elsewhere ; V kip +
ud occurs once in AV. xii. 4. 41.

4. as3'a : On the instrumental genitive with past participles see
Caland, Cbcr das ritnellc Sfitra dcs BaudJiayana {Abh.f. d. Kwid.
d. Morgcnl. xii, 1) p. 44 f.

4. ketone carati : like vasnam . . . acarat RV. iv. 24. 9 ' he paid.'

213. The legends dealing with the daughters of Prajapati fall
into two large groups, viz. (1) ' The incest of Prajapati ' and (2)
' Prajapati gives his daughter or daughters in marriage.' Bloom-
held has i^ointed out {JAOS., xv, p. 181) that these two groups
are sharply distinguished by differences in phraseology ; ' the stories
of Prajapati's incest with his daughter exhibit an utter absence of
all the technical words indicative of Vedic marriage rites ; the
stories of the marriage of Prajapati's daughter [or daughters] almost
always exhibit them.'

Of the second group (' Prajapati gives his daughter or daughters
in marriage ') there are two subdivisions. The one is represented
by TS. ii. 3. 5. 1, prajapates trayastrih9ad duhitara asan. tah somaya

174 H. Ocrtcl,

rajne 'dadat^ etc. and Kath. xi. 3 (p. 147, 1), prajapatir vai somaya
rajiie duhitrr adadan naksatrani etc., = MS. ii. 2. 7 (p. 21, 4).

The other is contained in our story here (JB. i. 213 j with its
parallels AB. iv. 7 and KB. xviii. 1. In all three stories a legend 2
dealing with the wedding of Prajapati's daughter Usas^ has been
contaminated, altered, and adapted for exegetical purposes in the
manner discussed in Actes du Onzieme Congres International des
Orientalistes, Paris, 1897, vol. i, 1899, p. 235 f. The really essential
part of the story as related in JB., AB., and KB. is the race^ of
the gods; for this is necessary to account for the fact that, in spite
of its name, a number of other gods beside the Acvins have a
share in the agvina-castra. This story of the race is then second-
arily connected, in the three texts mentioned, with the wedding
of Prajapati's daughter Usas, which gives it a vivid and concrete
setting. 5 There is no necessary connection between the two as is
shown, in the first place, by the fact that both JB. i. 210 and TMB.
ix. 1. 35 have no allusion to any wedding in connection with this
race. In the second place, Usas's participation in the race (JB. i.
213. 6) is entirely out of keeping with her role as bride (213. 2)
and the bridegroom's liberal bestowal of the wedding-gift on his
guests (213. 3).

1. rathamtaras sahdhir : Cf. CB. v. 5. 3. 4, 'The twilight-hymn
(sahdhi) is [performed] with the triple arrangement (trivrt [stoma])
and with the rathaihtara tune,' and Eggelings note, SBE. xli, p. 127.

2. sahasram : Cf. Eggeling, SBE., xli, p. xviii, note 1 ; Haug's
translation of AB. vol. II, p. 268 end ; and KB. xviii. 3.

4-6 = 210. 1-3.

^ Cf. Hillebraiidt, Fed. Mythol., I, p. 506 ; Calaud, Altindische Zajihcrci,
1908, p. 84-85 (ill Verhandelingen d. Koniuk. Akad. v. JFctcnschappcn te
Amsterdam, Afd. Letterkunde, ]SE,., Deel X, No. 1).

^ Criteria by Avliicli to judge its antiquity seem to be absent. I do
not know on what evidence Piscliel rests his assertion that AB. iv. 7 is
• keine alte Legende " {]'ed. Stud, i, jd. 28).

* Something in the general style of the legend that forms the l)asis
of tlie brahmodya EV. x. 17, 1-2. very fully discussed by Bloomlield,
JAOS., XV, p. 172 ff.

* Running a race to decide a dispute, see Tawney's Translation of
the Kathasaritsagara, vol. i, 1880, p. 14 with note.

* For races in connection with Germanic weddings, cf. Weinhold in
Zt. d. Ver. f. Volkskiuide. iii, p. 18-14 (' Brautlauf ") and p. 14-16 (' Wett-
laufe der Hoclizeitsgaste.") Tlie fondness of the Vedic Hindus for racing-
is emphasized by Pischel, I'ed. Stud., i, p. 124.

CoiitiihittioiL^ from the Jaiuiiuiya Bnilmuuja. 175

10. na 'rvail na paras : For arvaii as adverb instead of -ak see
note to [UB. i. 2. 4. The whole phrase (which, hke our ' This is
neither here nor there,' must mean ' to l3e of no consequence or
vakie ') occurs in RV. x. 71. 9. where ime ye n5 'rvan na para^
caranti together with other objectionable people are excluded (vi
jahuh, vs. 8).

///. Why the mule is barren (JB. i. 67).

The Brahmanas give two legends in explanation of the fact that
the mule is barren.^

1. AB. iv. 9. 1 (in connection with the race of the gods at the
occasion of the marriage of Prajapati's daughter, Sur3'a) says : a^vata-
rlrathena 'gnir ajim adhavat. tasam prajamano yonim akujayat. tas-
mat ta na vijayante, ' Agni ran the race with a chariot [drawn by]
she-mules. As he was urging [them] on he singed their womb.
Therefore they are barren.'

2. The second legend is reported in TS. vii. 1. 1. 2—3, 'By means
of the agnistoma Prajapati created the creatures. By means of the
agnistoma he enclosed them. Of them being enclosed the he-mule
escaped. [Pursuing and] catching it he took its seed. He trans-
ferred^ it to the ass; therefore the ass has two [kinds of] seed.

^ This fact is frequently alluded to by the ancients. Cf., for India, SB.
v(vi). 7. 2 with A. Weber, Zwei vedische Texte fiber Otnina itnd Portenta in
Ahhandl. d. K. Akad. d. IF. zu Berlin, 18-58, published 1859, p. 327-8; for
classical antiquity the passages collected by H. O. Lenz, Zoologie der alien
Griechcn imd Roincr, 185(3. p. 212 ; A. Schlieben, Die Pferde des Alterthiuns,
1867, p. 72 : C. S. Kohler, Das Tierlehen im Sprichwort der Griechen iind
Romer, 1881, p. 121 ; in one of the defixiones published by AudoUent
{Dejixiomtin tabellae^ 1904, p. 374, no. 271, lines 15—16) the name of the
deity is paraphrased by as xov noLr\Gavxa zrji' rjfxiofoi' /ur] itxEiv.

Whether the frequent comparison ' sa mrt;\^um upagrhnati garbham ac-
vatarl yatha ' (cf. the passages collected by Boehthngk, Indische Spriiche,
2d ed., 1870, nos 58, 2698, and 6656, and by Gildemeister, Orient nnd
Occident., II, 1864, p. 172—174), which is used of one who does an act sure
to result in his destruction, belongs here is a disputed point, because
some of the native scholars with whom Gildemeister agrees (cf. also
Stenzler, Zt. f. d. Kunde d. Morgenlandes., IV, 1842, p. 399) take a^vatari
in the sense of a ' female crab ' ; this is also Pratapa Chandra Roy's
rendering (Mbh. xii. 5276 = 140. 30).

- Literally, ' smeared it on.'

176 H. OcrteL

And the}' also sa}- : •' He transferred it to the mare '" ; therefore the
mare has two [kinds of] seed. And the}' also say : " He transferred
it to the plants"; therefore the plants, [though] unanointed shine. ^
And they also say : " He transferred it to the [other] creatures " ;
therefore twins are born. Therefore the he-mule is sterile, for he
had his seed taken away. Therefore he is not suitable [as a fee] in
the barhis (sacrificial grass-covering), 2 [but] in a sacrifice where [the
sacrificer gives] all [his possessions as sacrificial fee] or in [a sacri-
fice where the sacrificer gives] a thousand [cows as sacrificial fee]
he is suitable, for he escaped. He who knowing thus sacrifices with
the agnistoma causes unborn progeny to be born, encloses [that
which is] born. Therefore they say : " [This is] the foremost sacri-
fice." 3. Prajapati, verily, is the foremost, for he sacrificed in the
iDeginning with this [sacrifice].' In TMB.3 vi. 1. 1, 'Prajapati desired:
" May I be manifold, may I bring forth." He saw this agnistoma, he
seized it; with it he created these creatures. 2. Verily, both with
that stotra of the Agnistoma which is the eleventh* he created
them and with the eleventh month of the year. Both with the
twelfth stotra of the Agnistoma he enclosed them^ and with the
twelfth month of the }'ear. 3. Therefore do creatures give birth
about the eleventh month, having carried the foetus for ten months ;
therefore they do not hold it beyond the twelfth month, for by the

' The P. W. translates this : ' deslialb knarrt das Holz (am Wagen).
wenn es nicht gesclimiert ist ' ; but osadlii for ' Holz am Wagen ' would
be very unusual and tlie proper term for ' knarrt ' would be utsarjati
(cf. CB. vi. 8. 1. 10—11 where an expiation for the creaking of the axle
is given). It is therefore preferable to follow the commentator who para-
l^hrases bv ' saradliikyena vardliante snigdhavad drgj'ante,' ' they grow
with an abundance of gum, they look shiny,' as Geldner does, Ved.
Stud., Ill, p. 176, ' deslialb glanzen die Pflanzen, obwohl sie nicht gesalbt
werden (wie die Mensclien).' The same use of the Vafij is probably found
in RV. X. 45. 4, ksama rerihad viriidhah saniaiijan, where Agni is identi-
fied with Pai'janya (CB. vi. 7. 3. 2) and rain makes the plants shiny,
virudliah samanakti. Cp. further OB. vi. 6. 8. 3, tasmad sarvada 'rdrah
sarvada ksiri of the udumbara tree which is always moist (fresh) and
full of sap.

* That is ' in the case of an ordinary sacrifice.'

' A German translation in Deussen, AUgemeinr Geschichtc dcr Phi/osophu',
Bd. I, Abt. 1, p. 183.

* A list of the twelve stotras and castras of the Agnistoma is given by
Eggeling, SBE.. xxvi, p. 325—6, note 2.— Possi])ly ' sa tah ' should be read
here for satil, see JB. text (below).

' Deussen translates : ' uahm er in Pfleue.'

1

Coiitribntioiis from the Jaiuiiniya Bnrlnuava. ill

twelfth month the}- were enclosed. He who knows this thus en-,
closes the progeny [which is] born, [that which is as yet] unborn ^ he
causes to he born. 4. Of them being- enclosed the she-mule escaped.
[Pursuing and] catching her he took her seed away. He transferred
it to the mare. 2 Therefore^ the mare has two [kinds of] seed;
therefore the she-mule is barren, for she had her seed taken awa}-.
5. And therefore she should not be given as sacrificial fee. As she
exceeded the sacrifice she should be the sacrificial fee of [that
which is] in excess, for the sake of correspondence. [But] in the
case of the stotra of the sodayin (sixteen-fold)-sacrifice* she may
be given. For the sodacin [-stotra] is redundant, in the case of the
redundant onh^ does he give the redundant [she-mule].'

And. finall}', in JB. i. 67, text and translation of which follow.

1. Text.

JB. i. 67. 1, prajapatir^ yat praja asrjata ta agnistomena*^ 'srjata.
dacamena ca sa'' ta^ agnistomasya stotrena 'srjata dagamena ca^
masil^o saihvatsarasya. ta dvada^ena cai^^ 'va 'gnistomas3^a stotrena
paryagrhnad^- dvadacena ca masa^" samvatsaras3'a.i3 2. tasmat
pacavo daca maso garbhan^* bibhraty^^ ekadayam anuprajayante.i^

^ Cliangliig- the reading- to agree with TS. and JB. (see belo-w) to ' j^ni
'jata janayati.' Thus the desired contrast between the two halves of the
sentence is brought out.

- Read : ' vadaviij^arii nyamiird."

^ Read : ' tasmad ' ; cf. Commentator to SB. v(vi). 7. 2, p. 176 of
Eelsingh's ed., acvataryah prajapatina aretaskatvad garbhabhavah, tasmad
acvataro na jayate, areta hi 'ti crutiprasiddhili.

* ' The sodacin-sacrifice requires . . . one additional chant, the sodagi-
stoti'a. with its attendant gastra and Soma-cup. The most natural ex-
planation of the name is suppHed, in the first place, by AB. iv. 1,— -viz.
the sacrifice "which has sixteen, or a sixteenth, stotra. But as the name
applies not only to the sacrifice but also to the stotra and gastra, the
Brahmana further justifies the name hy the peculiar composition of the
soda(^n-castra in winch the number sixteen prevails,' Eggeling, SBE.. xli,
p. xvii. As to the redundancy, cf. AB. iv. 1. 6, ' dve va aksare atiricyete
solacino "nustubham abhisarapannasya.'

-" A. -ti « C. -nai 'va ' B.C. vai s B.C. sta

^ A. va '0 A. -as 'i All mss. vai ** All mss. -iia

'^ A. -vatras- ** A. rbhan

^5 A. bibhrti, B. bibhyatita, C. bibhrtitam ^"^ A. -yate

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XV. 12 July, 1909.

178 H. Ocrtel,

na kada'^ cana dvadagam atiharati.^ parigrhita hi tena. 3. tasaih
parigrhltanani ayvataro 'tyaplavata^ tasya 'nuhaya reta adatta. 4. tad
gardabhe nyamart^ tad° vajavayaiii tat pa^usu*^ tad" osadhlsu. tas-
mad gardabho dviretas^ tasmad valava^ dviretas^o tasmat pacavo
dvau dvau janayanti tasmad osadhayo 'nabhyakta rebhanti.i^ 5. tas-
mad acvataro barhisi na deyo'2 "ti^^ hyi-^ aplavata^^ 'pa hyis akra-
mad attareta hy apraja hi. sodacinasi'^ stotre deyo 'tirikto vai so-
da^li' stotranam atirikto 'gvatara pacunam. atirikta eva tad ati-
riktarfi dadhati yajilasya^s salomatayai. 6. sa^^ ya evam vidvan
agnistomeno '-'^ 'dgayati^i pra"-^ 'jatah praja janayati paries prajata^*
grhnati. 7. jyesthayajiio va esa prajapatiyajiio 3'ad agnistomo 'cnute-^
jyaisthyam26 ^raisthyarii 27 ya evaiii veda.

2. Translation.

1. When Prajapati created the creatures he created them with
the agnistoma. Both with the tenth stotra of the agnistoma he
created them and with the tenth month of the year. Both with
the twelfth stotra of the agnistoma and with the twelfth month of
the year he enclosed them. 2. Therefore animals carry their foetuses
ten months, about the eleventh month they give birth [to it] ; never
does one hold it beyond the twelfth month, for by that the}' were
enclosed. 3. Of them being enclosed the he-mule escaped. [Pur-
suing and] catching him he took his seed away. 4. He transferred
it to the he-ass, to the mare, to the [other] animals, to the plants.
Therefore the he-ass has two [kinds of] seed, therefore the mare has
two [kinds of] seed, therefore the animals severally give birth to twins,
therefore the plants, [though] unanointed, shine. 5. Therefore a he-
mule is not to be given [as a sacrihcial fee] in the barhis,28 for he
escaped, for he ran away, for he had its seed taken away, for he is
without offspring. [But] in the case of the stotra of the sodagin

1 B.C. ka - A. ath-ahati.

^ A. "tiplavati, B. atyaplavata, C. atyapravata (as TS. reads).
* All mss. -tta ^ A. sa, B. cat " A. pa isii ^ A. sad

« A. -ta, B.C. -OS " A. vil- »" A. dluretas

^* A. robhavanti, B.C. rebliavauti, corrected after TS. i. 7. 1. 2. MS. i.
8. 2 (p. 117, 8), Kath. vi. 2 (p. .51, 5) ^^ C. deliebhyah

■* C. 0111. ^* C. pravatii »^ A. cy i" A. sodeg-nina

^' All mss. -i 1^ A. yasya '" A. om. -" A. -stomauno

-* A. jaga- -'- B.C. pra -^ A. om. -* A. praja

25 A. ^atrute, B.C. crute ^f, a. j;ii- -' B.C. -stliam.

2* That is ' in the case of an ordinary sacrifice.'

Contributions froui the Jaiuiiniya BraJunana. 179

[-sacritice] he may be given [as a sacrilicial fee]. For among the
stotras the sodacin[-stotra| is excessive, and among the animals the
he-mule exceeded. They thus give that which exceeded in case of
the excessive only, for the sake of the correspondence of the sacritice.
6. He who knowing thus chants by means of the agni.stoma causes
unborn progeny to be bom, encloses [that which is] born. 7. The
agnistoma is the foremost sacrifice, Prajapati's sacrifice. He attains
the foremost, the best, who knows thus.

3. Notes.

The legends here reported correspond, in general tone, to a niunber
of Christian legends. M. L. Dames and E. Seemann fFolk-Lore,
Transactions of the Folk-Lore Society, London, xiv, 1903, p. 106)
report from the Azores : ' The mule was also cursed, because at
the time of the nativity it pulled away from the manger the straw
which covered the Holy Child and from that time forth it has been
barren.' Achille INIillieu records (Revue des Traditions Populaires,
V, 1890, p. 244 ; cf also Sebillot, Folk-Lore de France, iii, p. 8) two
tales of Nivernais peasants ^ : ' Au moment on tons les animaux sor-
taient de I'arche, le mulct en debarquant lan^a une made au lievre
et lui coupa la queue. Noe lui dit : " Tu as cherche a detmire le
lievre, tu en seras puni ; tu ne perpetueras pas ta race." Voila pour-
quoi le lievre n'a pas de queue et le mulct ne produit pas.' And,
' Ouand Dieu crea les animaux, la mule, sans aucune raison, donna
un coup de pied a la femelle du Hevre. C'est pour la punir que
Dieu lui interdit de propager sa race.' E. RoUand quotes (Faune
Popitlairc dr. la France, 1881, iv, p. 273) from Pierotti's A^o//o;/5 sur
qiiclqiies animaux de la Palestine (1869)^ an Arabic tradition: ' Le
mulct avait ete choisi par Joseph pour porter la sainte famille en
Egypte ; mais tandis que le bon vieux lui mettait le bat, la sotte
et impertinente bete lacha contre lui une de ses ruades habituelles,
et Joseph en ay ant ete contusionne maudit I'animal. Depuis lors,
il est reste impuissant, et c'est a la malediction du respectable
vieillard que le mulct doit de n'avoir ni ancetres, ni lignees, et
ainsi d'etre exclu de la famille. Voila pourquoi il est toujours en
colere contre tout le monde et que, rejete de tons, il n'aime per-
sonne."

4. vajava dviretas : Cf. ^B. xii. 7. 2. 21, vadaba 'nuyigur daksina
bhavati. ubhayaiii va esa janayaty a^vaiii ca 'gvataram ca, ' a mare

* Diihnliardt in Ztschr. d. Vereins f. Volkskunde^ xvi, 1906, p. 392, and
Natirrsagcn^ i, 1907, p. 292. * This book is not accessible to me.

180 H. Oertel,

with a foal is the sacrificial fee, for such a jiTiare| produces both,
the horse and the mule.'

4. g-ardabho dviretas : Cf. (^B. vi. 3. 1. 23, ta etam ekaiii pacuiii dva-
bhyaih pacubhyruh pratyapa^yan rasabhaiii goc ca 've^. ca. tad 3'ad
etam ekaiii pacuiii dvabhyam pagubhyarii pratyapagyaiis tasmad esa
ekah san dviretah, 'they (the grods) beheld one animal [which would
do] for two animals, [viz.] the he-ass for the cow and the sheep : be-
cause they beheld this one animal [which would do] for two animals,
therefore he (the he-ass) [though] being- one has two kinds of seed.'

4. osadhayo 'nabh3'akta rebhanti : The transfer to the plants occurs,
admidst different surroundings, in MS. i. 8. 2 (p. 117, 8) and Kath.
vi. 2 (p. 51, 5) and was perhaps interpolated here and in TS.

IV. The Contest of ludra ivitli Tvasfi/s son fJB. ii. 153—157).

For a general s}nopsis of the different versions of this myth see
Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, iii, p. 229-241. The closest par-
allels to the Jaiminlya version are found in MS. ii. 4. 1 (p. 38, 1), Kath.
xii. 10 (p. 172, 5), ge. i. 6. 3 and v. 5. 4 (beginning with 2), TS. ii.
5. 1 and 2. Other parallels are noted in their respective places.

1. Text.
jB. ii. 153. 1. triclrsna' ha vai tvastra asa. tas3a ha trini mukhan}'^
asus3 somapanam ekaih surapanam'* ekam annadanam ekam. 2. pra-
stauti ha smai 'kenai^ 'kena^ gayati pratiharat}'^ ekena 'cravayat}- "
ekena pratyacravayaty ekena camsaty ekena. sa ha smai 'kak}'^
eva 'nuparisarpam yajiiarii samsthapayati. sa he 'yad vlryavan^ asa
sa u ha 'surlputra asa.^o 3. sa ha sma pratyaksam devebh^^o vadati
paroksam asurebhyo yasma u ha vai bhuyah kamayate tasmai paro-
ksarn vadati. tasmad u he 'ndro bibhayarii cakara yac ca 'surlputra
asa yad u ce 'yacP^ vlryavan'2 asa.i^ 4. sa^* he^^ 'ksaiii cakre
'suryo va ayam asurlputras ^6 ^-^ pratyak.sam^~ asmabhyaih^s vadati'-'
paroksam asurebhyo hantai 'nam hanani 'ti.

1 A. (;Trs- "- D. rnakli- =• A.D. -sii

* Both niss. with n, as in TS. ; cf. Wackeniai^el. A/fincf. Grainin., i.
p. 189, § 169, c. second paragraph. * D. -ne ^ 1). dakena

^ A. gray- » A.D. katy

* A. viryyaiiivan ; vhyavan with j1 as in TS., TB.. Kiith.; cf. Whitney,
Grammar, § 1233, d. »» A. aha '^ D. rvld

'- AD. vTryyapan ''* A. aiiisa i* A. om. ^^ D. luli

i« A. -rip- '" D. -ksa i» D. sma- '» D. vahatl

Contributions from the Jaiininiya Bnilunaija. 181

154. 1. tasya ha vajrena (jlrsani pracicheda. tany eva vayansy
abhavan. 2. tad yat somapanam asit sa kapifijalo 'bhavat. tasmat
sa babhrur^ iva babhrur^ iva^ hi somah. 3. atha yat surapaiiam'^
asit sa^ kalaviiiko^ 'bhavat. tasmat^ sa matta iva 'vakrandati.
4. atha yad annadanam^ asit sa tittirir abhavat. tasmat sa bahurupa
iva bahurOpam iva hy annaih'' tasmad^ u tasya vrccikagcamkuhstha^
ity etad annam. 5. sa tvasta hataputro 'pendraih somam ajahre.
as indra iksam cakre 'smac^" ced^i v'iii ma yajiiad antarety antarito
vai tatha yajnad bhavani hantai 'naih hanani 'ti.

155. 1. taiii ha vajrahasto 'bhidudrava. 2. sa tvasta pratyail
patitva patnih prapede. taiii ha tatra na 'nuprapede. tasmat tvast-
araiii patnlsu^^ saiiiyajanti tasmad u patnih prapannaiii na hanyad.^^
3. udeyaye 'ndrah. sa ha^* havirdhanayor eva dronakalace somaiii
rajanaih sampavitum upeyaya. taiii ha dronakalagenai 'va pratidhaya
pitva pravavraja.i^ 3. anQdeyaya tvasta. sa ha papraccha 'sti kiiii
cit paricistaSm ity asty ayaiii saiiisrava iti ho 'cuh. 4. taiii ha^^
'gnau pravartay rail '^"^ cakare ^^ 'ndracatrur i^ vardhasva svahe "ti. 5. taiii
yat pravartayat sa eva vrtro 'bhavat. sa vartamrma eva 20 'gnlsomav^i
abhisaiiibabhuva. tasmad ahur-'^ ao-msomav asuryav23 iti. 6. sa-
hasresvimatram urdhvam-'* udardat '■'•'' tato ha sma'-^^ na 'vacchvam27
ksitis.28 7. trayIrii"-9 vidyaih^o sarvaih criyaiii sarvam annadyam
api yad idaiii triratre sahasraiii procyate tad abhisaiiibabhuva.^'
8. tasya he 'daih sarvaiii l^aUkrd^^ asa. kilalaiii ha sma 'smrd nadyo

^ A. -blifir. D. Wiur - A. om.. D. -blirur * A. om.

* Both niss. with n, as in TS. ; «'f. AVackernagel, Altind. Grainm., i,
p. 189, § 169, c, second paragraph. * A. kapilaviiiiko, D. kalapiiiiko.

* A. -adiin- ' A.D. annas.

^ A. leaves a space between tasnia and d

" 1 have not been able to emend the text, vreci may stand for pi%'ni,
cf. TB. ii. 2. 6. 1 (vol. ii, p. 199, 9—10) pr^nivatibliir bliavanty annam
vai prcni, and TS. ii. 1. 6. 2, annada eva bliavati prcnir bliavaty etad
va annasya rupam. *" A. -ii ^^ A. ciiid '- A. patnisisu

*' A. hastabliidravanyad '* A. om. ^* A. pravapraja

»« AD. ha 1' A. -yaii '« A. -kar-

^'' A. ch'e^c^'akru, D. drac<;akrur -" D. -va -' A. -gni.s-

-- A. rduitir " A. asmyyav 2* A.D. urddham

'-' A. idaditi, D. udatiti ; the emendation is a mere niake-skift, see note.

^* D. sma

-■' A. vachclivam ; I have not succeeded in emending this form; it may
contain a prakritization like AV. iii. 12. 4 ucchantn for uksantn, cf. the
notes to AV. x. 9. 28 and xix. 8. 4 in Whitney's translation.

** D. ksatis ; I have not been able to emend this. -'-• D. -yi-

■■*« D. vidyabliyaiii ^i x. isaiiibh- »-^ A. -krad

182 H. Ocrtcl,

vahanti. 9. atha ha 'l.ihi3'ugvano ^ nrmia 'stau devanam sahacara
asur astau pitrnam astau manu.s\'anam astav asuranam. tesaiii sme
'ndro2 mayaya 'stamo bhavati vrtraiii jighansaiis tasmad u hai^ 'nam
indra eva* jaghana yad indracatruro vardhasva*^ svahe 'ti pravar-
tayaiii cakara 'tha^ yad dha pravartayis3'ad indrasya ^atrur \ar-
dhasva svahe 'ti 156. 1 yacvad dhai 'nam na 'hanisyat.

2. tarn ayam mdraiii somo raja vlto^ 'nupahuto^ 'hinot.^o 3_ tasya
ha sarvebhya eva chidrebhyah preyayaH mukhad e\a na tasmad u
ha bhisajya asa. 4. tasya^2 yad^^ avail i* iyaya^^ sai 'va sura vriri-
takai6 babhuva yac chicnat sa parisrut.i" 5. trir^s nirasthlvat.'-' tad
3atprathamaiiinirasthlvat20tadeva karkandhv abhavad 5'ad dvittyaiii
tad badaram yat trttyaiii tat kvalam.2i tasmad etesam annaiii cai ' va ra-
sah. 6. khatkrt3'a caturtham'^a nirasthivat.20 tad eva 'mram^s abhavat.
7, tam evarii deva abhito nisedur ayarii na eko viro 'bhut sa itthaih^^
nyagat kva bhavama iti. sa ho 'vaca na vai vidma^s yo'-s 'bhuvam-'
iti. kim iti. 8. cuksusami va^s it3' atha ha sma tatah pura ksutvai
'va mriyante. tarii ho 'cuh ksuhi jive 'ti tva vaksyama iti. 9. sa ha
cuksava. taiii ha jive 'ti29 ho^o 'cuh. sa jijiva. tasmad idam apy

1 A. lii^'ucvano, D. bliijailivano. - A. -rii =' A. he

* A. va * A. -tnir * A.D. vadhasva ' A. rtha

* A. vito " A- repeats 'nupaliuto " A. nihot
»i A. proj^- 1'- A.D. taS3-e »■' A.D. d

1* A.D. avrt

^^ A.D. 3'03'a ; the emendations of these four words are tentative o\{\y.
An emendation which would 3'ield a good contrast to cignat would be
more acceptable; moreover, vad avag i3'a3^a is mentioned below, 1.57. 2.

'" A. varidaka

" D. -sruk, cf. AVhitne3\ Grammar^ § 151, a; Wackernagel, Alt in J.
Gramm., i, p. 135, § 117. a: p. 303, § 2G0, a, /? ; p. 328. § 277, a; AV. vi.
40. 3, adliarat = VS. (Kiiiiva version) iii. 2. 6 and KS. xxxvii. 10, adhanlk.

'* A. trarn. D. triii *'' A. nistlvat

" A. -St- as both MS. ii. 4. 1 (p. 38, 12) and Kath. xii. 10 (p. 172, IG)
read ; cf. fu'vastive, MS. ii. 11. G (p. 143. 13) for virvasthTve, VS. xviii. 23 ;
adhyasta, MS. ii. 6. 2 (p. 48, 13) for adhyastha, TS. ii. 1. 2. 2. Cf. Whit-
ne3''s note to AV. vi. 102. 2 : Wackernagel, Altind. Gramm. i, p. 130, § 109.

^^ So both mss ; Wliitne3^, Grammar^ § 233; Wackernagel, Altind.
Gramm.. i, p. .59, § 53 ; cf. sabuva TB. ii. 6. 4. 2 for sabva VS. x. 84 ;
abhuva, MS. iv. 1. 12 (p. 16. 19) for abhva, EV. ; kuvaya MS. iii. 14. 20
(p. 177, 2) for kva3i TS. v. 5. 17. 1 and VS. xxiv. .39.

^- A. -tha3'arii. possibly- for catui'thaiii 3'an

** A. mrm ""^ A. -tlia " j^j) ^itma -s A.D. ya

" A. bhuv- 2'* A. inserts cu -'' A.D. ty

30 A.D. o

Coiitribiifiuiis fro)u the Jaimiuiya Bniliuiaua. 183

etarhi cuksvansam ahur^ jive 'ti. tasmad u^ yam eva man\eta taiii
bruyaj jive 'ti.

10. tas3'a yan nasta iya3a'^ 157. 1. tav eva* sinhyav abhavatam^
yad aksibhyaiii tau cardulau yiit karnabhyarii tau vrkau vailusau'^
3-ad upapaksabhyam tav apastihau' tasmad ete va3'asam vlr^^avat-
tara^ indro hy etesam ajaiiam. atha yad avag iyaya tad idarii ksud-
raiii cvapadaiii babhuva. 2. sa ha visiktac^ gicye 'pi ha trnair abhi-
xiliidha asa. taiii ho 'cuh kve 'va 'si kve 'va tva bhisajyama iti.
tasmad idam ap}' etarh}'!*^ upatapinam prcchanti kve 'va te rujati^^
kve 'va te bhisaJ3^ama i'- iti. 3. sa ha trnany abhiparidicami^s uv^ace
'dam ivai 'va ma 'bhito '* 'stl^^ 'dam ivai 'va ma 'bhito bhisajyate
"ti. 4. tad agnim abruvami idam dahe 'ti tad agnir adahat. tat
parjanyam abruvann idam abhivarse 'ti tat parjanyo 'bhyavarsat.
5. tat kalyanya osadhayo 'ja3'anta. ta dhenubhir'^ adharayans tat
pa3-o 'duhan. 6. ta etariii'^ 3'ajnam apac3'ans tam aharans tenai
'nam ayajayan. 7. tasya pratidhuk pratassavane 'vanayat^s prati
'va va anena 'dha3'l 'ti tasmat pratidhuk. crtam^^ madhyandine
savane cresthe''"' 'va va^i anene 'ti tasmac chrtam.22 dadhi trtl3'a-
savane-3 'dhayl 'va va anene 'ti tasmad dadhi. 8. sa 3'atha ca ha
pura-^ asa 'titaraih ha tata asa. sa 3'as somavami va somatipavito-^
va syat sa etena yajeta 3'atha ca ha pura^* bhavat3' atitaram ha
tato bhavati. tasmad u ha somavaminaiii va somatipavitam-*^ va na
paricaksite 'ndro hy api tatha 'sa.

^ A. acur

^ A.D. uda ; in this udaj^am of the mss. iwn-y be hidden some accu-
sative of an adjective depending on nianyeta and describing the condition
of the man who is to be addressed by ' jiva.' ^ A. iyam3ra

* A. iliva ^ A. -tary, D. -t^j " Both A. and D. read so.

■^ A.D. apadistihau ; emended after CB. xii. 7. 1. 6, sa c3'eno 'pilstiha
'bhavat ; the a-steni in CB. xii. 7. 2. 15, apiistihasya.

s A.D. -varttara » A. -sak- " D. etahi ^^ A. rujati

^'- A. bhisadhyama3" ^'^ A. di^im 1* A. bhisto

*^ A D. smi, a change to the third person seemed imperative.

1^ A.D. dhenubhir »^ A.D. eiii

** A. vayat ; the reading should possibl^^ be corrected to 'viinaj-an.

^'•> A. chritam, D. cchritaii

-" So both mss. for (^restha iva, see "Wliitne3% Grammar^ § 176, b ;
Wackernagel, Althtd. Gramm.^ i, p. 317. § 268, a, b. ^^ A. vava

22 A.D. chritam 23 p trit-

-* Both mss. have fu-st pura and then pura, though it would be easj"
to cliange the latter to puro since a and o are frequentty confused.

2* A.D. -vapito

2" A. somatiparitani

184 H. Oerid,

2. Translation.

153. 1. Three-headed, verily, was Tvastr's son, yea, he had three
mouths, one to drink soma, one to drink sura (brandyj, one to eat
food. He used to sing the prekide^ with one, to chant the main
part of the saman'- with one, to chant the pratihara^ with one, to
summon (as adhvaryu)* with one, to respond (as agnldhraj^ with
one, to recite the gastra^ (as hotr) with one. He, quite alone, used
to complete a sacrifice by walking successively around ; so power-
ful was he, and he was, indeed, the son of an Asuri. 3. Now
openly he used to promise [their share] to the gods, [but] secretly
to the Asuras ; and for whom one has the higher regard to him,
indeed, one secretly promises [his share]. And therefore Indra was
frightened, because he was the son of an Asurl and because he
was so powerful. 4. He considered : ' This one belongs to the
Asuras, an Asurl's son [is he]. Openly he promises [our share | to
us, [but] secretly to the Asuras. Come now, I will slay him.'

154. 1. With the thunderbolt he cut off his heads. They became
birds. 2. That with which he drank soma became a hazel-cock ;
therefore it is brownish, for the soma is brownish. 3. That with
which he drank sura (brandy) became a sparrow ; therefore it noi-
sily cries down as if dnmk. 4. That with which he ate food became
a partridge ; therefore it is variegated, for food is variegated. And
therefore^ .... that is food. 5. Tvastr, havinp; his son slain, brought
soma from which Indra was exclvided. Indra considered : ' If he
excludes me [now] from this sacrifice, excluded from the sacrifice I
shall then truly be [hereafter]. Come, I will slay him.'

^ ' prastiiva, Tintrodxiction du saman, chantee par Fofiiciant dit prastotr,'
Caland-Henry, V AgnMoma^ i, p. xxxvii.

^ ' udg'itha. the principal part of the saman. preceded by cun, to be
chanted by the udgatr,' Hang, translation of tlie AB. vol. ii, p. 120,
note 13.

^ Eggeling, SBE. xxvi, p. 310 note 1 suggests ■ check ' or • stop " for
this term on the basis of CB. iv. 3. 4. 22.

* ' The adhvarj^u . . . calls on (ii^ravayati) the agnidhra with 6 cravaya
or oiii cravaya,' Eggeling, SBE. xii, p. 132 note. The rendering ' summon '
is Whitney's (Atharva-veda Translation, AV. ix. 6. 49).

* • The agnidlrra responds (pratya9ravayati) by astu crausat," Eggeling,
SBE. xii, p. 1.32, note.

^ ' Every chant or hymn (stotra) of the udgatrs is followed hy a song
of praise (castra) recited by the hotr or one of his three assistants." Egge-
ling, SBE., xxvi, p. 325, note 2.

■^ The next words are unintelligible.

Contributions from the Jaisniniya Brahnmiia. 185

155. \. With the thunderbolt in his hand he (Indra) ran up
against him (Tvastr). 2. Tvastr, tleeing onward, took refuge with the
Wives [of the gods].^ He (Indra) did not follow him (Tvastr) thither.
Therefore, in the case of the patnl [-saihyajasp they offer [an oblation
of ajya] to Tvastr also ; and therefore one should not slay one who
has taken refuge with the Wives [of the gods]. 3. Up went Indra.
To clarify king Soma in the two soma-carts, in the wooden soma-tub,3
he went up. Lifting it (the somaj with the wooden soma-tub up
[to his lips] he drank it [and then] went off. 3. Up came Tvastr
after him. He asked : ' Is there anything left ? ' They said : ' There
is this remnant.' 4. He turned it into the fire [saying] : ' Grow thou,
having Indra as thy conqueror, svaha.' 5. As he turned it [into
the fire] it became Vrtra. Just as it was being turned [into the fire]
it became possessed of Agni and Soma. Therefore they say : ' Agni
and Soma are Asura-like. 6. A thousand arrows' range he surged
up'i . . . 7. Of the threefold knowledge, of all glory, of all food,
even of the thousand [cows] which are turned over [as sacrificial
fee] at the triratra [-sacrifice] he became possessed. 8. To him this
whole [universe] became tributary. Ambrosial drink the rivers used
to bring to him. 9. Now there were eight satellites of the gods.
Adversaries by name, eight of the Fathers, eight of men, eight of
the Asuras. Of these [latter] Indra, by his magic, became the eighth,
because he wished to slay Vrtra. And for this reason did Indra

^ On these sliadoAvy divuiities see Hillebrandt, Vcd. Mythol.. hi.
p. 409-410.

^ • The patnlsaiiiyajas are four ol)lations of butter to Soma, Tvastr. the
wives of the g'ods, and Agni Grliapati respectively,* Eggeling-, SBE.. xii.
p. 7.5, note 2. ' The meaning of the term seems to be " offerings nuide
(to some deities) along with the wives (of the gods),'" ' Ibid., p. 2.56, note 1.
Cf. also Caland-Henry, L'Agnistoma^ i, p. xxxiv.

^ ' The pressing is performed in three rounds .... On the completion
of the third round the di'onakalaga is brought forward ... by the Udgatrs
. . . and placed on the four stones covered Avith the pressed Soma husks,
the straining cloth being then stretched over it. The Hotr's cup . . . hav-
ing then been filled up by the Unnetr with the Soma-juice in the iidha-
vanlya trough, the sacrificer pours it in one continuous stream from
the Hotr's cup upon the straining cloth, spread over the dronakala^a by
the chanters . . . From this stream the first eight (at the midday pressing
the first five) libations are taken, by the respective cups being held under,
the remaining libations or cups being dra^vn either from the strained (or
• pure," (;ukra) Soma-juice in the droiiakalaca, or from the agrayanasthall
or the putabhrt,' Eggeling, SBE. xxvi, p. 257. note.

* The words which follow are not intelligible.

186 H. Ocrtel

slay him, [to wit,] because he had turned [the remnant of the soma
into the fire with the words] : ' Grow thou, having Indra as thy
conqueror, svaha.' Now if he had turned [it into the tire with the
words]: 'Grow thou, being Indra's conqueror, svaha,' 156. 1. then,
indeed, hidra would very likely not have slain him.

2. This king Soma, going in all directions, because no invitation
had been pronounced over it, hurt Indra. 3. It came out of all his
openings, onl}- out of his mouth [it did] not [come]; and therefore
there was a cure. 4. What of him went below that became sura-
varitaka,^ what [went] from his penis that became parisrut.2 5. Thrice
he spat out. What he spat out the first time that became the Kar-
kandhu [-jujube] 3; what [he spat out] the second time that [became]
the Badara [-jujube]'""'; what [he spat out] the third time that [be-
came] the Kuvala [-jujube]. ■'' Therefore, also, their juices are food.
6. [Making the sound] ' khat,' he spat out a fourth time ; that became
the fruit of the Mango-tree. 7. Around him, being in such condition,
the gods sat [saying] : • This one hath been our one hero ; he hath
fallen into this [plight] ; what will become of us ? ' He said : ' We
do not know who I have become.' ' How,' [the}- said]. 8. ' I wish
to sneeze,' [Indra said]. Now before this time [people] used to die
when they had sneezed. They said to him : ' Sneeze, [and] we will
say " Live " to thee.' 9. He sneezed ; they said to him : ' Live.'
Therefore even nowada3^s they say to one w^ho has sneezed : ' Live."
And therefore if he should think anyone [to be] . . .A to him he
should say : ' Live.'

10. What went from his nose 157. 1. that became two lionesses;
what [went from] his two eyes that [became] two tigers ; what [went
from] his two ears that [became] two . . .^ wolves; what [went from]
his two armpits that [Ijecame] two talon-slayers (eagles), therefore
they are stronger than the [rest of the] birds, for Indra is their
oripfin; and what went below that became these small wild-beasts.

' I do not know what this word means.

- ' According to Saj^ana, the difference between sura and parisrut would
seem to be that the former beverage is prepared from mature shoots (of
rice, etc.) and the latter from such as are not quite ripe,' Eggeling, SBE..
xli, p. 9, note 1.

* ' The names of three varieties of the jujube, or fruits of Zizj^phns
Jujuba, for a description of Avhich see the comm. on Knty. CS. xix. 17
seqq.,' Eggeling, SBE.^ xliv, p. 214, note 3.

* There seems to be a lacuna here.

" I do not know "what this word means.

Coutrihutions from the Jaiviiniya Braliniaua. 187

2. Poured out iu all directious he lay, all overgrown - with grass.
The}- said to him : ' How dost thou feel ? Where can we cure thee ? '
Therefore even now they ask a sick [person]: 'Where is th}- pain?
Where can we cure thee ? ' 3. He, pointing rovuid about at the
grass, said : '• This here is all about me, cure this here all about me.'
4. Then they said to Agni : ' Burn this.' Agni burnt it. Then they
said to Parjanya : ' Rain upon this.' Parjanya rained upon it. 6. Then
beneticial plants grew up. Of these they took possession by means
of the milch-cows ; they thus milked the milk. 6. They saw this
sacritice ; they seized it ; with it they sacriliced for him. 7. The
fresh milk he^ povired out at the morning service [with the words]:
' By it, indeed, the beginning^ hath been made ' ; therefore it is
I called] fresh milk.'^ The boiled milk [he^ poured out] at the mid-
day service [with the words]: 'By it, indeed, he is the best one'";
therefore it is [called] boiled milk.^ The sour curds [he'^ poured
out] at the evening service [with the words] : ' By it, indeed, it hath
been set': therefore they are [called] sour curds. § 8. And as he
was l^efore, even stronger, he thence was. If an}' one should either
vomit soma or be purged by soma such an one should sacrilice
with this [sacrifice]. As he was before, even stronger, he thence
becomes. And therefore one should not censure one who \'omits
soma or is purged b}' soma, for Indra himself was that.

3. Notes.

153. 2. anuparisarpam : The Petersburg dictionaries do not record
the compound Vsrp + anu-pari. Cf. anuparikramaiii juhoti, TS. v.
5. 10. 6.

3. -vadati : TS. ii. 5. 1. 1 has the complete phrase bhiigam avadat,
and agrees here very closely with the JB. — The duplicity of Tvastr's
son is also mentioned in the Brhaddevata vi. 149—150, where he
is sent by the Asuras to act as purohita of the gods and thus harm
them.

3. yasma u ha : I cannot instance this dative with bahu kama}- ;
cf. vSpeijer, Sanskrit Syntax, p. 59, § 81, d.

3. asurlputra : Brh. Dev. vi. 149, asuranam svasuh putrah ; TS. ii.
5. 1. 1, svasriyo 'suranam.

1 1 have taken -ludha as equal to -rudlia, althoug-li the Petersburg-
dictionaries do not register Vruli -|- ablii-vi-

- or (reading- avanayan) ' tliey.' ^ V^dlia + prati. * pratiduli.

'" crestlia " cyta ' adliayi '^ dadhi

188 H. Oertcl,

154. 1. vayansy abhavan : Macdonell, in his note to Brhaddevata,
vi. 151, compares a similar transformation of the skins of Apala i
(Brh. Dev. vi. 106) and of the members of Agni (Brh. Dev. vii.
78-80). According to Kath. xi. 10 (p. 157, 5) and TS. ii. 4. 9. 2
the heads of the Yatis- whom the salavrkas killed became the
Phoenix sylvestris (kharjuraj or, according to vSayana's commentary
(vol. ii, p. 514, 18), the Borassus flabelhformis (tala), because ' their
fruits resemble a skull ' (tesarii phalani cirahkapalasadrcani laksyante).

2. babhrur : vSee Hillebrandt, Ved. Myth., i, p. 23-45 ff., on babhru
as colour of the pressed soma ; however, sura too is babhru, VS.
XX. 28.

2. matta iva 'vakrandati : Cf. Kath. xii. 12 (p. 174, 17-18) tasmaj
jyayang ca kanlyahg ca snusa ca gvacurag ca suraiii pltva saha lil-
lapata asate = MS. ii. 4. 2 (p. 39, 18-19) tasmaj jyayahg ca kaniyanc
ca snusa ca 9vagura9 ca suraih pltva vilalapata asate. These two
passages, by the way, make it all but certain that mattas in AV.
vi. 20, 1, ute 'va matto vilapann apayati, is to be understood as
participle of Vmad (' he flees, shouting like a drunken man '] rather
than as ablative of the personal pronoun (' shall he, crying out, go
away from me '). — See also the Excursus at the end of these notes.

4. bahurupam . . . annam : Cf. TS. ii. 1. 6. 4, bahurupo bhavati
bahuriipam hy annam.

5. apendram: So also (^B. i. 6. 3. 6 and v. 5. 4. 7; in CB. xii.
7. 1. 1 and 8. 3. 1 a]:)hicaraniyam (' suitable for witcher}',' Eggeling,
' der Bezauberung ausgesetzt,' Delbriick, Altiiid. Syiif., p. 401, § 224,
end) is added to apendram; Kath. xii. 10 (p. 172, 12) has vindram
for apendram.

5. asmac ced . . . bhavani : Similarly QB. i. 6. 3. 6 and v. o. 4. 7
say : sa yatha 'yaiii somah prasuta evam apendra eva 'sa, ' even as
this soma was [withheld from Indra] when it was [then] pressed,
even so it remained withheld from Indra [thereafter].'

155. 2. patnlh prapede : Cf. TS. vi. 5. 8. 4, ' The gods desired
to slay Tvastr; he took refuge with the Wives |of the gods], they
did not surrender him ; and, therefore, they do not surrender one
who is to be slain after he has taken refuge ; ■^ therefore he offers
[a soma libation] to Tvastr patnivant also.' — On the connexion of
Tvastr with women see Hillebrandt, Ved. Myth., I, p. 525-530.

» Cf. JAOS., xviii, ]). 2G-31, v. iScliroeder, JVZKM., xxii, 1908, p. 224 f.

- a. JAOS., xix, p. 123—125: Calaiid, Altindischc Zanberri {VrrhcmdcL if.
kon. Akad. v. Wctensch. tr Amsterdam. Afd. Letterkuude, N.E. Deel x.
no. 1) 1908, p. 133.

* ' tasmud api . . . pratiprayacclianti ' also at TS. vi. 5. 6. 3

Coutribuiious fnnn flic Jaiiuiii/ya Bralniiaija. 189

2. tvastaraiii patnisu saiii3ajanti : On the four patnlsaihyajas ((^"-B.
i. 9. 2. 5-13) see Hillebrandt, Das altindische Neu- und Vollmonds-
opfer, 1879, p. 151 ff., especially p. 154 for Tvastr's patnlsaiiiyaja. —
In a similar wa}^, Tvastr and the Wives of the gods are connected
in the animal sacrifice to Agni and Soma, (^B. iii. 7. 2. 8, ' There-
upon they set up the Wives' stake (patniyupa) . . . There they seize
(and bindi the victim for Tvastr,' and the scholiast to Katy. QS. viii.
8. 41 on this passage adds that the victim is for Tvastr patnlvant.

3. saiiipavitum : This is apparentl}' the onl}' occurrence of an in-
finitive of the root pu, and Witney, in the manuscript of the Roots
and Verb-forms, queries whether it may not possibly be an early
instance of a causative infinitive with loss of causative sign (Whit-
ney, Gram mar, § 1051, c).

4. This is very closely parallel to CB. i. 6. 3. 8 ; TS. ii. 4. 12. 1 ;
5. 2. 1. — In the text of the JB. the real point of Tvastr"s error is
obscured by the lack of accent on indracatru.^ What Tvastr ' in-
tended to say was that it should grow strong so as to be "the foe
(sla3'erj of Indra," and the compovmd should therefore have been
accented on the second member, viz. indracatru (the foe of Indra) ; but
by accenting it on the first member, indracatru, he made it " having
Indra for his foe (sla3'erj,'' ' Eggeling, SEE., xii, p. 165, note 2.

5. vrtro 'bhavat : The same punning connexion of Vrtra with the
Y\rt (pravartayat) occurs also in CB. i. 6. 3. 9; TS. ii. 5. 2. 1, while
TS. ii. 4. 12. 2 puns with Vvr.

5. abhisaiiibabhuva : I have adopted Eggelings rendering of this
compound which is also used in CB. i. 6. 3. 8 ; TS. ii. 4. 12. 2 ;
5. 2. 2 ; and MS. ii. 4. 3 (p. 40, 8). Caland, Altindische Zanberei
(Verhandel. d. Kon. Akad. van Wetensch. te Amsterdam. Afd.
Letterk. N.R. Deel X, no. 1) 1908, p. 127 renders it by : ' bemachtigte
er sich auch des Agni und des Soma.'

5. agnisomau : On the part of Agni and Soma in the Vrtra-battle
see Hillel^randt, Vcd. Myth., Ill, p. 234-236.

6. Parallel to CB. i. 6. 3. 11, tasmad u ha sme 'sumatram eva
tir3'ari vardhata isumatraih pran ; TS. ii. 4. 12. 2 = 5. 2. 2, sa isu-
matram-isumatraiii visvanfi avardhata ; MS. ii. 4. 3 (p. 40, 10) sa va
isumatram eva 'hna tir3'ariri avardhate 'sumatram an vail ; Kath. xii. 3
(p. 165, 12) vrtro 'har-ahar isumatram urdhvo 'vardhate 'sumatram
tir3'an. — But I have not succeeded in emending the corrupt text.

6. udardat : This makeshift emendation is based on CB. v. 3. 4,
5 and 6, sa 3'ah [scil. urmih] pran (and prat3'arin) udardati.

' See below. JB. ii. 155. 9

190 H. Ocrtcl,

7. triratre sahasram : On the sahasradaksina triratra see Eggeling,
SBE., xxvi, p. 414, note 1 ; Hillebrandt, Rituallitterahiv, p. 148,
26 with note 1.

8. kilalani . . . vahanti : Cf. the story of king Nahusa, the rivers,
and SarasvatI, Sayana on RV. vii. 95. 2, Brhad Dev. vi. 20—24.

9. abhiyujvanah : I cannot find a parallel and am not at all sure
that ' adversaries ' renders the word correctly.

may ay a : Cf. Hillebrandt, WZKM. xiii, 1889, p. 317 ff. : Ved.
Myth., iii, p. 172 f.; cf. JAOS., xxvi, 1905, p. 195.

astamo l)havati : Jvist as he passed himself off as a Brahmana in
order to thwart the Asuras" attempt at constructing a fire-altar,
ge. ii. 1. 2. 14, TB. i. 1. 2. 5; cf. Hillebrandt, Ved. Myth., iii, p. 173.

156. 1. gagvad: On the meaning of this adverb see Eggeling,
SBE., xli, p. 98, note 2 and xliv, p. 250, note 1. In the parallel
passage QB. i. 6. 3. 10 cacvat is used in both protasis and apodosis.

2. anvipahutah : In the parallel texts, CB. i. 6. 3. 7 ; v. 5. 4. 8 ;
Kath. xi. 3 (p. 143, 11), it is Indra who is anupahuta 'uninvited'
or, MS. ii. 2. 13 (p. 26, 2) anupahuyamrma 'not being invited.' In
our passage here, on the other hand, it is the soma which is an-
upahuta and should therefore not be drunk, just as in CB. i. 8. 1.
16 the ida should not be eaten when it is anupahuta, but may be
eaten when it is upahuta, CB. i. 8. 1. 24 (for parallels see Bloom-
field's Vedic Concordance) and Katy. gS. iii. 4. 22-23. In these
latter cases the Petersburg dictionaries translate anupahuta Ij}' ' wozu
nicht eingeladen worden ist ' and upahuta ' wozu geladen worden
ist,' and my translation follows themi rather than Eggeling who
renders anupahuta by ' before it is invoked ' and upahuta by ' called
hither.'

3. bhisajya : The Petersburg dictionaries do not give a masculine
noun bhisaJ3'a ' cure.' The femine bhisajya and the neuter com-
pound durbhisajya are recorded from KB. and ^B. (BAU.j respect-
ively. If bhisajya is taken as masculine noun it corresponds exactly
to praya9citti in the parallel passage ^B. v. 5. 4. 8, so 'sya visvanil
eva pranebhyo dudrava mukhad dhai 'va 'sya na dudrava tasmat
prayagcittir asa sa 3^ad dha 'pi mukhad adro-syan na hai 'va prayag-
cittir abhavisyat.

4. (;icnad : Cf. ^B. xii. 7. 1.9, ^i^nad eva 'sya raso 'sravat sii par-
isrud abhavat ; ^B. v. 5. 4. 10 has uttarat pranad for ^ignat.

* lu the same way OB. xi. 1. 6. 35 anapoddharya aliutaj^ah are not
' offerings Avhich must not be omitted ' but ' offerings from whieh noth-
ing must be omitted.'

Contr!l)!itioiis from the Jaiuiiuiya Bnilunaua. 191

5. trir nirasthi vat : Cf. CB. v. 5. 4. 10. — tad vat prathamam . . . kvalam :
Almost verbatim so MS. ii. 4. 1 (p. 38, 12) and Kath. xii. 10 (p. 172,
17). ^B. xii. 7. 1. 2-4 produces the kuvala, badara, and karkandhu
from the moisture of the eyes (tears), nostrils, and mouth, respect-
ively. In CB. V. 5. 4. 10 the order is kuvala, karkandhu, badara.

6. khatkrt3-a : This, possibly, is the passage which the scholiast on
Panini i. 4. 62 had in mind and quotes : • khatkrtya (with dental t)
nirasthi vat,' just as he quotes from memory and with a slight change
the introductory words of the Dirghajihvl-legend (AB. ii. 22. 10 ;
MS. iii. 10. 6, p. 138, 5; Kath. xxix. 1) to Panini, iv. 1. 59 {Ades du
oiizieme Congres Ititcniatioiial (ks Orientalistcs, Paris 1897, vol. i.
1899, p. 232).

7—9 tam evaiii . . . jive "ti : Whitney reported this passage in the
Proceedings of the American Oriental Society for May, 1885 [J A OS.,
xiii, p. xxj in connexion w-ith H. C. Warren's paper ' On superstit-
ious customs connected with sneezing ' which quoted the Jataka
story 1 no. 155 ' Gagga-Jataka ' (Fausboll, ii, p. 15). In this story the
goblin who haunts the hut has received from the demon Vessavana
permission to kill and eat any man who entered the hut and sneezed
unless someone should wish him ' Long life ' and he should reply
• The same to you.' W' arren also referred to the similar tale in the
Kathasaritsagara2 (vi. 28. 128 ff., p. 19 of Brockhaus' edition, Leipzig,
1862) ' The fourth [voice] said : " If he escape this also, when he
enters that night into his private apartments he shall sneeze a hun-
dred times ; and if some one there does not a hundred times say to
him ' God bless you ' he shall fall into the grasp of death." ' 3 That
the devil gains power of a person who sneezes unless God is invo-
ked to avert the danger seems to be a widespread belief. Cf., e. g.,
Helene Raffs Bavarian tale (ZL d. Vcrcifis fi'ir Volkskundc, viii, 1898,
p. 395) : ' vSo wurde eine junge Bauernmagd an der bayrisch-t3'roli-
schen Grenze nur durch das zugerufene " Helf Gott " eines Mit-
knechtes aus den Klauen des Teufels errettet, welche dieser, wah-
rend sie nieste, nach ihr ausgestreckt hatte ' ; the Icelandic super-
stition (Lehmann-Filhes, Zt. d. Vereins f. Volkskunde, viii, 1898, p. 154
and p. 448) that the Black Death was stayed by the invocation of

* See W. H. D. Rouse's Translation, vol. ii, p. 11—13; Eouse notes that
tlie introductory stor^' is repeated in the Cullavagga. v. 33.

- See C. H. Tawney's Translation, vol. i, p. 254, and the additional
notes, vol. i, p. 576 and vol. Ii, p. 631.

^ Cf . also W. Crooke, The Popular ReIigio)i and Folk-Lore of Xorthern India.^
1896, i, p. 240-241.

192 H. Oertel,

the Deity after sneezing; Ellen Mc Keevers Irish tale (B. J. Jones.
Folk Lore, London, xiv, 1904, p. 338-339) of the farmer who sold
his daughter to the Devil who ' told him the next morning she was
to sneeze three times and no one was to sa}^ " God bless her.'"
So she riz the next morning just the same as before and she sneezed
three times, and when she sneezed the third time the step-mother
forgot and said " God bless 3'Ou.'' ' And thus the Devil was foiled.
— Semitic tradition connects the exclamation ' God bless 3'Ou ' with
the creation of Adam. When the divine breath hlled Adam he
sneezed. Then either the Lord himself or the angels bade him .say :
' Praised be God ' ; cf. M. Grtinbaum, Ncue Beitrdge zur semitischefi
Sagcnkunde, 1893, p. 62-63.

156. 10-157. 1 : Parallels MS. ii. 4. 1 (p. 38, 11-12), Kath. xii. 10
(p. 127, 15) QB. xii. 7. 1. 2-9. Of these Kath. bears the closest
resemblance (two male lions from the nose, two tigers from the
eyes, two wolves from the ears), but it converts the downward dis-
charge into the sautramani.^ The MS. does not indicate the sources
except by ' itas ' ; its list consists of three items only, viz., two male
lions, two tigers (vyaghrau for ^ardulau of Kath. and JB.), and two
wolves. The CB. gives an elaborate list of twent3-four items. It
derives the ram from the nostrils, the he-goat from the e3'es, the
one-hoofed animals, like horse, mule, and ass, from the ear. The
' talon-slaying eagle ' from the heart in the breast, the lion from the
blood, the wolf from the urine, and the tiger (vyaghra) from the
contents of the stomach and intestines.

157. 1 vayasarii vir3'avattarah : For the genitive of comparison
with a comparative see Speijer, Sansk. Syntax, p. 80, § 107, Rem.

2. visiktac <;\(;yQ-'. In general on the plight of the drunken Indra
see Bloomiield, JAOS., xv, p. 148-153.

5. ta dhenubhir . . . aduhan : Cf. TS. ii. 5. 3. 2, ' When Indra had
slain Vrtra his power [and] strength departed to the earth; the3'
became plants [and] shrubs. He hastened to Prajapati [saying] :
" When I had slain Vrtra my power [and] strength hath departed
to the earth; they have become plants [and] shrubs." Prajapati
said to the cattle: "Collect that for him." The cattle collected it
in themselves from the plants.'- They milked it out [from them].
Because they collected 3 it, that is the reason for the term sarii-

1 Cf. Eggeling, SEE., xii, p. xxvi and p. 129, note 1. I

- ' B3' lirowsing the plants and shrubs,' Eggeling. SEE., xii, p. 177,
note 3.

^ V nl -f sani

Coufriluitions from the Jfiiiiiiii/ya Bnilmiatia. 193

nayya'.' (^'B. i. G. 4. 6, ' They prepared it (the soma) collecting it
successiveh' b}- means of the cows ; as [these] ate plants [the}'
collected it] from the plants, as the}' drank water [they collected
it] from the water."

7. With these punning etymologies cf. TS. ii. 5. 3. 3, ' tat prat}'-
aduhan . . . }at pratyaduhan tat pratidhusah pratidhuktvam. saman-
aisuh prat}adhuksan na tu mayi yrayata ity abravid etad asmai 4.
crtaiii kurvite "ty abravit tad asmai 9rtam akurvann indriyaiii vava
'smin Yiryaih tad a^rayan tac chrtasya grtatvam. samanaisuh pratya-
dhuksan chrtam akran na tu ma dhinoti 'ty abravid etad asmai
dadhi kurute 'ty abravit tad asmai dadhy akurvan tad enam adhi-
not tad dadhno dadhitvam.' ^B. i. 6. 4. 6, tam evaih sariibhrtya
'tacya tlvrlkrtya tasmai prayacchan. 7. so 'bravid dhinoty eva me
'daiii ne 'va tu mayi yrayate y'c.the 'dam mayi ^rayatai tatho 'pa-
jrmite 'ti. taiii crtenai 'va '^rayan. 8. tad va etat samanam eva sat
paya eva sad indriyasyai 'va sat tat punar nane 'va 'caksate yad
abravid dhinoti me 'ti tasmad dadhy atha yad enaih crtenai 'va
'crayaiis tasmac chrtam. Cf. also TS. vi. 5. 9. 1—2.

7. The distribution over the three savanas differs in TB. i. 4. 7. 6,
(;rtena pratahsavane criniyad dadhna madhyandine 7. nltamicrena^
trtlyasavane.

8. atitaram : CB. i. 6. 4. 21 refers to the practice of ' some ' of
offering the sarimayya to Mahendra rather than to Indra, on the
ground that he was Indra before he slew Vrtra, but after he had
slain Vrtra he became Mahendra, just as a king (rajan) becomes a
great king (maharajan) after he has gained a victory. But the
CB. dissents from this : ' Indra he was before the slaying of Vrtra,
and Indra he is after slaying Vrtra, therefore let him offer it simply
to Indra.'

8. atitaram: CB. v. 5. 4. 13 sa hai 'taya (viz. the sautramani)
somatiputaiii bhisayet . . . sa x'aslyan eve 'stva bhavati. Cf. the
somavamina isti, Kath. xi, 1 (p. 143, 11-19), MS. ii. 2. 13 (p. 26,
1—8), TS. ii. 3. 2. 6—7 ; Caland, Altindische Zaubcrci (in Verhandel.
d. Koninkl. Akademie van Wetensch. tc Amsterdam, Afdeel. Letter-
ktmdc, N.R. Deel x, no. i) 1908, p. 102-103.

* See Hillebrandt. Das altindische A'cit- iivd I'ollmondsopfcr. 1879. p. 4—5.
2 = navanlta-

Traxs. Conn. Acad., Vol. XV. 13 July. 1909.

194 H. Oerkl,

Excursus : The probable Hindu origin of the h'gciid coiiceniing
the three qualities of ivine (Gesta Roiuanonnu, no. ijg).

The comparison of a drunken man's talk with the twittering of
a sparrow (JB. ii. 154. 3, above p. 181) suggests a passage in a
modern Greek legend in which St. Dionysius takes the place of
Dionysus (cf. Gruppe, Griech. Mythol. ii, p. 1654 20 ff. with note 3,
on this identification). This modern Greek tale was told in 1846
by an old Boeotian peasant of the village of Kokino at the foot of
the Ptoon mountains to Professor Christian Siegcl and is repeated,
in a German translation, from J. G. v. Hahn's Griechische mid al-
banesische Mdrchen, Leipzig, 1864, ii, p. 76 by C. Wachsmuth, Das
alte Griecheuland im neuen, Bonn, 1864, p. 24 f. A Naxian parallel
to it (cf. Gruppe, Griech. Mythol. i, p. 245, 1-2 and 366, 4 ff., for
the connexion between Naxian and Bo?otian Dionysus legends) is
given by N. G. Polites, MeUrca ntol toS /Mov y.ai Trjg yh'iGar^g tov t'/.'^-
vixov Xctov, Ilu(}c(SuGug i, no. 175, and thence summarized b}- Miss
jNIary Hamilton in the Annual of the British School at Athens xiii,
Session 1906-7, p. 351 as follows: 'The modern Naxian story is
told about a journey of the saint [= St, Dionysius] from Mount
Olympus to Naxos. He noticed an herb by the way and first
planted it in the bone of a bird, then in the bone of a lion, and
lastly in the bone of an ass. At Naxos he made the first wine
with its fruit. The intoxication which followed the drinking of this
wine had three stages; first he sang like a bird, then felt strong
as a lion, and lastly became foolish as an ass."

This Naxian tale belongs to a well defined C3^cle of medieval
legends for which no. 159 of the Gesta Komanorum may serve as
type. The parallels have been collected by Oesterley, p. 738 of
his edition of the Gesta Ronianoruni, Berlin, 1872, to which must
be added those given by R. Kohler, Anzeigcr f. d. deutsche Alterthuniy
ix, 1883, p. 402-7, reprinted, with many additions by Bolte, in
Reinhold Kohler's Kleinere Schriften i, 1898, p. 576-8). Ever since
T. Tyrvvhitt in his note to line 24 of Chaucer's Manciple's Prologue
[The Canterbury Tales, ii, London, 1775, p. .302) connected Chaucer's
' win of ape ' with the Rabbinical story quoted in the note to vol. i,
p. 275 of Fabricius ' Codex Pscttdepigraphns J \ieris Testamenti
(Hamburgi, 1722) and T. Warton (The History of English Poetry,
London, vol. iii, 1781, p. Ixvi = vol. i, 1840, p. clxxxv) referred
chapter 159 of the Gesta Ronianoruni to the same source, these
lecrends have been assumed to l^e founded on Raljbinical tradition

Coiitribiitioiis from the Jaiiuiniya Bnihinaiia. 195

(cf. e. g. J. G. T. Grasse, Gcsta Roiimiiontiu, Leipzig, 1905, ii, p. 275
and Skeat, The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, Oxford, 1894,
V, p. 437, who further refers to Leopold Dukes' Rabhinische Bliimeii-
lese, LeijDzig, 1844, p. 192 = Notes and Queries, Series i, vol. xii,
London, 1855, p. 123).

But this Rabbinical tradition in turn appears to be derived from
Hindu sources. For in the Book of Laughable (or Refreshing)
Stories which Yuhanna Abu '1-Faraj (' Bar-Hebraeus ') compiled in
the late years of his hfe (he died in 1286) the tale appears as the
sixth anecdote of the third chapter which is devoted to the ' Pro-
fitable Sayings of the Indian Sages ' (First published by L. Morales
in Zeitsch. d. deiitschen morgenl. Gesellschaft, xl, 1886, p. 412 [trans-
lation] and p. 425 [text] ; then by E. A. Wallis Budge, The Laugh-
able Stories collected by Bar-Hebraeus, London, 1897 = Luzac's
Semitic Texts and Translation Series, vol. i, and, in translation,
E. A. Wallis Budge, Oriental Wit and Wisdom or the 'Laughable
Stories collected by Mar Gregory John Bar-Hebraeus, London, 1899)
As to Bar-Hebraeus' source. Budge suggests ^ that ' some of the
sayings of the Greek, Persian, hidian, and Arabian sages he prob-
ably took from some work like that of Ahmad ibn Muhaminad ibn
Miskavaih (died A. H. 421 = A. D. 1030) who collected a number
of precepts of the ancient Sages of Persia, India, Arabia, and Greece,
which were translated into Persian by Taki Shushtarl,^ and it seems
that he supplemented these from notes made during the course of
his own studies.' With the means at my disposal here I cannot
determine whether the story here discussed formed part of those
recorded in the Arabic collection or its Persian translation. Nor
can I give from Sanskrit or Buddhistic literature a parallel to our
legend. So that its probable Indian origin rests, for the present,
upon the authority of Bar-Hebraeus.

1 111 his Translation, 1899, p. xxiii.

2 ' Taki ud-Din Muhammad B. Sliaikh Muhammad ul-AiTajani ut-Tustari,
a scliolar and poet of Persian birth, repaired to the coui"t of Akbar, by
whose command he turned the Shahniimah into prose,' C. Hieu, Catalogue
of the Persian Manuscripts in the British Mnseitm^ vol. ii, 1881, p. 440—441.
MS. Orient. 457 there described contains, inter alia, on fol. 59 a, ' Max-
ims of Indian Sages.'

196 H. Ocrtel,

V. Prajapati creates the four castes fJB. i. 68-69).

The general subject is discussed ^ in the many notes to the purusa-
h3mn RV. x. 90, AV. xix. 6 etc. Here only two parallel versions
are worth}- of special comparison, viz., TvS. vii. 1. 1. 4-6 and TMB.
vi. 1. 6-13.2 As JB. i. 68-69 follow immediately upon the chapter
explaining the barrenness of the mule, JB. i. 67, (see no. iii, above
p. 175) so the TS. and TMB. versions of the creation of the castes
are immediately preceded by that story (TS. vii. 1. 1. 1-3; TMB.
vi. 1. 1-5).

1. Text.

JB. i. 68. 1. prajapatir vave ^ 'dam agra aslj janmano^ ha vai pra-
japatir devata. 2. so 'kamayata bahus syaih prajaye3^a bhumanaiii
gaccheyam iti. 3. sa glrsata eva mukhatas trivrtam^ stomam asrjata
gayatrim'"' chando rathaiiitaraiii sama 'gniiii devatam'' brahmauam
manu.syaiii ajarii paguiii tasmad brahmano gayatrlchanda agneyo de-
vataya tasmad u mukham prajanam mukhad dhy enam asrjata.
4. so 'kamayata prai 'va jayeye 'ti. sa bahubhyam evo 'rasah pan-
cadacaiii stomam asrjata tristubharii chando brhat same^ 'ndraiii de-
vataiii" raj any am manusyam acvam pacum^ tasmad rajanyas tristup-
chanda aindro devataya^o tasmad u 1:)ahubhyam vlryaiii karoti bahu-
bhyaiii hy enam uraso viryad asrjata. 5. so 'krmiayata prai 'va ja-
yeye 'ti.

69. 1. sa udarad eva madhyatas saptadacaiii stomam asrjata ja-
gatlm^^ chando vamadevyarii sama vi^van devan devatam 12 vaifyami^
manusyaiii garii pa^vim tasmad vaigyo^* jagatlchanda vai^vadevo
devatayais tasmad u prajanisnur^'' vidarad dhy enaiii prajananadi"
asrjata. 2. .so 'kamayata prai^s 'vai^ jayeye 'ti sa padbh3am20 eva

^ For a veiy good sjaiopsis see J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, i (2d

ed.), 1868, p. 7-160.

- An English translation of TS. in Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, i (2d

ed.), 1868, p. 16 ; a German translation of TMB. in Deussen's Allgemeine

Geschichte der Philosophie, Bd. I. Abt. 1, 1894, p. 184.
' A.B. vavave, C. ve * A. jano B.C. mano

^ A. trvrtam, see critical note to JB. i. 212 1 (above, p. 172)
" A. -T ■' A. -il * A. bralimatvam ** A. -us

»" B.C. -taya ^i All mss. -1 »* A. devanilni

^* A. vai^vam 1* A. vilicvo, C. inserts devo ^* A. -taya

i« A. -nar '' B.C. -nanad 1^ B.C. vai i» B.C. pra

-" A. vatsfini

Coiitribntioiis from the Jaiuihiiya Bnihiuaija. 197

pratisthava ekavin(;aihi stomam asrjata 'nustubhaih chando 3'ajna-
yajnlyaih^ sama na^ kaiii cana* devataihS ^udraiii manusyam a\'im
pac^uiii tasmac chudro 'nustupchanda vecmapatidevas tasmad u pad-
avanejyenai^ 'va' jijivisati padbhyam hy enarii pratisthaya asrjata. ^
3. etaya vai srstya prajapatih praja asrjata sa ya etad evaiii veda'^
bhumilnam eva prajaya pa^ubhir gacchati tasmad v etaiiii" yajfiaih
bhuyisthaih prayansati yad agnistomam prajapatiyajnoi^ hy esah.

2. Translation.

68. 1. Verily, Prajapati, in the beginning-, was this [universe], for
Prajapati is the divinity of birth. 2. He desired : ' May I be mani-
fold, may I be propagated, may I attain manifoldness.' 3. From
[hisj head, [his] mouth, he created the threefold one as stoma, ^'' the
gayatrl as metre, the rathaihtara ^3 as saman, Agni as divinit}', the
Brahmana as human being, the he-goat as animal ; therefore the
Brahmana has the gayatrl as [his] metre, [and] belongs to Agni as
far as [his] divinity [is concerned] ; and therefore he is the mouth of
created beings, for he fPrajapati) created him from [his] mouth.
4. He desired : ' May I be propagated.' From his two arms, from
[his] chest, he created the fifteen-fold ^^ one as stoma, the tristubh
as metre, the brhat^^ as saman, Indra as divinity, the warrior as
human being, the horse as animal ; therefore the warrior has the
tristulDh as [his] metre, [and] belongs to Indra as far as [his] divinity
[is concerned] ; and therefore he performs deeds of valour with [his]
two arms, for he fPrajapati) created him from [his] two arms, from
[his] chest, from valour. 5. He desired : ' May I be propagated.'

69. 1. From [his] belly, from the middle [part of his body], he
created the seventeenfold-one^*^ as stoma, the jagati as metre, the

^ B.C. -a - A. yajnayajnayajnij'a ' A. iiu

* B. cana, A. canu * A. -a •* B. padavagiiejyenai

" A. ya * All mss. tsrj- '•' A. vedeva

"» A. edai, B. liita, C. aitani i' A. -e

*2 On the term stoma in general see the note to JB. i. 211. 1. trans-
lation, above p. 168. If executed in the trivrt stoma arrangement the
verses of RV. ix. 11 are put in the following order : 1, 4. 7, 2, 5, 8, 3, 6, 9.

»3 SV. ii. 30-31.

^* Eggeling, SBE., xxvi, p. 308 note 2 gives the three varieties (vistuti)
of arrangement for the paiicada^a-stoma. ^* SV. ii. 159—160.

16 Eggeling, SBE.. xli, p. 8, note 1 and p. 11, note 1 discusses the
uianner in which hymns are adapted to the requirements of the sapta-
daca-stoma.

198 H. Oertcl,

vamadevyai as saman, the All Gods as divinit}-, the Vaicya as human
being, the cow as animal ; therefore the Vaifya has the jagati as
[his] metre, [and] belongs to the All Gods as far as [his] divinity
[is concerned] : and therefore he is procreative, for he (Prajapati)
created him from [his] generative organ. 2. He desired : ' May I be
propagated.' From [his] two feet, from [his] footing, he created the
twenty-one-fold one 2 as stoma, the anustulDh as metre, the yajiia-
yajniyaS as saman, no di\'inity whatever, the Cudra as human being,
the sheep as animal ; therefore the Q'udra has the anustubh as [his]
metre, [and] the master of [his| dwelling as [his] god; and therefore
he desires to live b}^ washing [other people's] feet only, for he
(Prajapati) created him from [his] two feet, from [his] footing. 3. By
means of this creation Prajapati created creatures. He who knows
this thus attains manifoldness through offspring [and] cattle. And
therefore they praise this sacrifice as the mightiest, to wit, the agni-
stoma, for it is Prajapati's sacrifice.

8. Notes.

The principal correspondences and divergencies of TS., TMB., and
JB., may bee seen from the following table fp. 199). (On the whole,
in the seqv;ence of items the JB. corresponds more closely to the
TMB., while in the items themselves it is more similar to TS.)

Similar combinations are not infrequent elsewhere.* Thus, AV.
viii. 9. 20 fa brahmodya) asks : kathaih gaj'atrl trivrtam vyapa ka-
thaiii tristup paiicadacena kalpate trayastrin9ena jagati katham anu-
stup katham ekavingah, 'How did the ga3^atri permeate the three-
fold [stoma]? How does the tristubh fit in with the fifteenfold
[stoma] ? How the jagati with the thirty-three-fold [stoma] ? How is
the anustubh connected with the twenty-one-fold [stoma] ' ? In a
group of parallel passages, consisting of TS. i. 8. 13. 1—2 (quoted
at TB. i. 7. 7. 1-2), VS. x. 10-13 (quoted at gB. v. 4. 1. 3-6),
MS. ii. 6. 10 (p. 69, 13) and Kath. xv. 7 (p. 214, 6), the kindling stick
(samidh) [TS., MS., Kath.] or the East [VS.] is linked with the gayatrl,
the trivrt-stoma, the rathaihtara-saman, Agni [TS., MS., Kath., but
not in VS.], the priestly caste (brahman), and the spring [in VS.
only]: the strong one (ugra) [TS. MS. Kath.] or the South [VS.] with

1 SV. ii. 32-34.

* Eggeling, SBE.. xxvi. p. 491, note 3 gives the arrangement of a
tri])let so as to yield 21 verses (a a a-b b b-c ; a-b b b-c c e ; a a a-b-t- c c).
» SV. ii. 53-54. * See above, no. ii, JB. i. 211. 3, p. 172.

Coiitrihiitioiis from the Jdiniiuiya Biyiliniana.

199

i£ a d

^ ^ ^

»^J K-j >^.

5) bi 6b

4J

-t-j

cS

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ci

v: • v: • -r. •

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cz

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c:

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-^^ -i-i

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4^

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ICS

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t>i

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_c3

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d

% '%:

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OS

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X

pq

m

200 H. Ocricl,

the tristubh, the pancada^a-stoma, the brhat-saman, Indra [TS., MS.,
Kath., but not in VS.], the warrior-caste (ksatra), and the summer
[in VS. only]; the East [MS., Kath.] or the West [VS.] or the viraj
|TS.] with the jagati, the saptadaca-stoma, the vairupa-saman. the
vifve devah [MS.] or the Maruts [TS. Kath.; VS. omits this], the
peasant-caste (vig), and the rainy reason [VS. only.]; finally, the
North with the anustubh, the ekavinga-stoma, the vairaja-saman,
Mitra and Varuna [TS., MS, Kath., but not in VS.], prosperity ! pusta)
[TS., MS., Kath.] or fruit (phala) [VS.], and the autumn [in VS.
only]. AB. viii. 12, 4 (in the address of Indra to the chair at the
occasion of the mahabhiseka-ceremony) couples the g-ayatrl with
the trivrt-stoma and the rathaihtarasaman ; the tristubh with the
pancadaga-stoma and the brhat-saman ; the jagati with the saptadaga-
stoma and the vairupa-saman ; finally, the anustubh with the eka-
vincastoma and the vairaja-saman. The tri\rt-stoma is connected
with Agni and the rathaihtara-saman at (^'B. viii. 6. 1. 5, with Agni
and the priestly caste at CB. viii. 4. 2. 3 ; the pancadaca-stoma
with Indra and the brhat-saman at CB. viii. 6. 1. 6, with Indra and
the warrior caste at CB. viii. 4. 2. 4 ; the saptadacastoma with
Varuna and the vairupa-saman at CB. viii. 6. 1. 7, with the ' man-
viewers ' i. e. the gods and the peasant-caste at (^B. viii. 4. 2. 5 ;
linally, the ekavinga-stoma with Soma and the vairaja-saman at
^B. viii. 6. 1. 8, with out-breathing and down-breathing, and with
rain and wind at CB. viii. 4. 2. 6. i It should also be noted that
in the description of the fire-altar under the guise of an animal
(CB, viii. 4. 4. 4-7) the two trivrt-bricks form its head, the two
ekavinga-bricks its feet, the two pancadaga-bricks its fore-feet or
arms, while the two saptadaga-bricks stand for food. In a similar
manner the vikrti-formula VS. xii. 4 ((^B, vi. 7. 2. 6) makes the
trivrt-stoma the head, the gayatrl the eye, the brhat-saman and the
rathamtara-saman the two wings, the stoma fi. e., according to CB
the paucavihca-stoma) the self, the metres the limbs, the sacrificial
formulas the name, the vamadevya-saman the body, and the yajna-
yajillyasaman the tail.

68. 3 ajam, 4, agvam, 69. 1, gam, 2, avim : Cf. CB. vi. 5. 4. 16,
prajapater vai gokad aja samabhavan ; vi. 4.4. 12 connects the he-
goat with the priestly caste, the horse with the warrior caste, but
assigns the ass to the Vaigya and ^udra castes combined.

1 Cf. also VS. xiii, 54—57 (CB. viii, 1. 1. 5 ; 8 ; 2. 1 ; 5)

Contributions from the Jaiminiya Bnihinaiia. 201

68. 4, bahublnam . . . viryad : Cf. CB. v. 4. 1. 17, vlryaih va etad
rajanyasya yad bahu ; vi. 3. 1. 33 bahuno vai viryaih kriyate,

69. 2, prajanisnur: Cf. ^B. vi. 6. 1. 7—8. where the cake to
Vrdcvanara is identitied with the warrior caste (ksatra) and the pap
(earn) to the Adityas with the peasantry (vi^). This pap is offered
to many divinities (viz. all the Adityas), because it consists of many
grains of rice, just as there are many Adityas, and thvis vigi tad
bhumanaih dadhati, ' he bestows multiplicity on the peasantry.' Cf.
also Cicero, De rep., ii. 40, in quo etiam verbis ac nominibus fuit
diligens, qui . . . eos qui aut non plus mille quingentos aeris aut
omnino nihil suum in censum praeter caput attulissent ' proletarios
nominavit, ut ex iis quasi proles, it est quasi progenies civitatis
expectari videretur; Aulus Gellius, xvi. 10, [proletariij prosperiore
vocabulo a munere ofticioque prolis edendae appellati sunt, quod,
cum re familiari parva minus possent rem publicam iuvare, subolis
tamen gignendae copia civitatem frequentarent.

2. pratisthaya : From AV. x. 2. 1 down pratistha is frequent for
padau, cf. CB. vi. 1. 1. 3; vii. 1. 2. 13; x. 6. 1. 4.

2. ve9mapatidevas : Neither this compound nor vecmapati are
recorded in the Petersburg dictionaries.

Yale University, Hanns Oertel.

Index.

For the sake of convenience this Index includes the preceding articles.
References to them are made as follows :

Simjjle Roman numerals refer to the volumes of the Jouj-nal of ths
American Oi-iental Society.

Conn, refers to the present article.

Actes refers to Actes du onzieme Congri-s International des Orienfatistes,
Paris, 1897, vol. i. 1899.

Stud, refers to Stndien ziir vergleichenden Literatiirgcschichfe, herausge-
geben von Max Koch, vol. viii, 1908.

1. Jaiininiya Braliiimua.

9

17-18

18

19

.38

42-44

42

43 (parallels

to)

43

46-47

48

49-50

51 (referred to)

51-65

67

68-69

74-76

80-81

121

125-127

150

161-163

163

184

185

208-213

xix, 106 (note 7, end)
xix, 122 (note 3)
xix, 115 (note 9)
xviii, 46-47
xxiii, 328
xviii, 40
XV, 2.34
Stud. 123

xxvi, 196
Stud. 120
xix, 103-104
xix, 106
xix, 111-112
Actes 237
xxiii, 331-349
Conn. 177
Conn. 196
xxiii, 326
xxvi, 191
xviii, 48
xviii, 82-83
xviii, 47
Actes 229
Stud. 118
xviii, 19
xix, 123
Conn. 162

220
227

228
228

357-358
363

xviii, 28
xviii, 48
xviii, 31
Stud. 117
Conn. 155
xxvi, 192

76-77 XV, 238

77 Stud. 122

78-80 xviii, 35

79(ref erred to) xxvi, 194

ii. 134

xix, 121

ii. 153-

-157

Conn

. 180

ii. 240

xviii.

33

ii. 375

xviii.

46 (note 1)

ii. 376

xviii,

46

ii. 378

xviii.

45

ii. 390

xviii,

47

ii. 438-

-440

xix, 99

ii. 438

Stud.

124

iii. 26

xviii,

47

iii. 64

xviii,

17

iii. 83

xviii,

47

iii. 94

xviii,

21

iii. 95

xviii,

23

iii. 126

xviii.

48

iii. 139

xviii.

.39

Coiit)-ibnl{oiis from the Jdiiuiu/ya B)yiliniaua.

203

iii. 149
iii. 1B7
iii. 204

xviii, 47
xviii, 42
xviii. 47

iii. 233 xviii, 38

iii. 233 (referred

to) xxvi, 194

A unniber
the JaiminT3-a
follows :
i. 12
i. 18
i. 88
i. 117
i. 136
i. 144
i. 253
i. 254
i. 269
i. 283-284
i. 299
i. 324
i. 358

ii. 10

ii. 12

ii. 48

ii. 49

of short extracts from the JB. are given in the notes to
■Upauisad-Brahmaiia pulilished in JAOS. xvi. They are as

230 (i. 25. 8.)

239 (iii. 14. 1-6)

228 (i. 11. 1)

226 (i. 3. 3)

227 (i. 3. 4-5)

230 (i. 20. 3)
232 (i. 37. 3)

231 (i. 26. 1)

236 (i. 60)

229 (i. 18. 1)
234 (i. 45. 4)

230 (i. 25. 7)

240 (iii. 17. 1-2)

228 (i. 10. 3)
240 (iii. 14. 8)

237 (iii. 1. 4 and !)■
237 (iii. 1. 14), 238

(iii. 1. 16)

ii. 87 231 (i. 29. 8)

ii. 142 228 (i. 11. 1)

ii. 148 228 (i. 11. 1)

ii. 149 228 (i. 11. 1)

ii. 248 238 (iii. 4. 13)

ii. 337 239 (iii. 13. 7)

ii. 344 239 (iii. 13. 7)

ii. 351 239 (iii. 13. 7)

ii. 353 239 (iii. 13. 7)

iii. 1 235 (i. 58. 7)

iii. 7 241 (iii. 31. 1)

iii. 128 236 (ii. 7. 1)

iii. 213 229 (i. 11. 5), 239

(iii. 13. 7)

iii. 219 239 (iii. 13. 7)

iii. 241 226 (i. 1. 8)

iii. 328 239 (iii. 13. 7)

AB.

ii. 22. 10

Actes 227

iii. 22. 1

xxviii, 96

iv. 5. 3-5

Conn. 170

iv. 6. 4-10

Conn. 170

iv. 6. 7

Conn. 170

iv. 7

Conn. 174

iv. 9. 1

Conn. 175

iv. 10. 6

Conn. 170

V. 32-33

Conn. 155

vi. 3. 1

xviii, 34

vii 28

xix, 120; 123

viii. 12. 4

Conn. 200

lev. CS.

iii. 14. 11

Actes 237

2. Other Sanskrit Texts.

Ap. CS.
V. 23. 3

AV.

ii. 27. 5
iv. 16
vi. 20. 1
vii. 38. 2
viii. 9. 20
viii. 10. 22

xviii. 40

xix. 123

xxviii, 93 (note 7)

Conn. 188

xxvi, 176

Conn. 198

xxviii, 86 (note 2)

Bih. Ar. Up.

iii. 6 Stud. 122

iii. 9. 26-27 Stud. 121

iv. 4. 10 xix, 122 (note 3)

204

H. Oertel,

Bill. Dev.
vi. 20-24
vi. 99
vi. 106
vi. 149
viii. 26

Brli. S.
1 XX viii. 24

Conn. 190
xviii, 27
Conn. 188
Conn. 187
xix, 97

XX vi, 189

Baudh. S. {Ab-
hdiitil. f. d.Kiinde
d. Morgenl. xii,
1903, no. 1,
p. 26) xxviii, 81

CB.

. 1. 1.'20

. 6. 3

. 6. 3. 11

. 6. 4. 6-8

. 6 4. 21

. 8. 1. 16

i. 2. 2. 6

i. 4. 3. 2
li. 5. 2. 17

ii. 2. 1. 9

ii. 3. 4. 17

ii. 7. 2. 8
iv. 1. 4 8

V. 3. 4. 4

V. 3. 4. 21
V. 3. 2. 2
V. 4. 1. 17
V. 5. 4
vi. 3. 1. 23
vi. .3. 1. 30
vi. 3. 1. 33
vi. 5. 4. 16
vi. 6. 1. 7-8
vii. 5, 1. 6.
viii. 4. 2. 3-6
viii. 4. 4. 4-7
viii. 6. 1. 5-8
xi. 3. 1. 1-8
xi. 5. 8

xxvi,

Conn,
Conn
Conn
Conn
Conn
Stud,
xviii,
xxvi.
Conn,
xviii,
Conn,
Stud.
Stud.
xxvi,
xxvi.
Conn
Conn
Conn
xxvi,
Conn
Conn
Conn
xxvi.
Conn
Conn
Conn
xxiii.
Conn

188

190
, 189
, 193
, 193
,190

118

42 (note 10)

188

1.59
34

189

117

118
190

190

201

180
, 180

188
, 201
,200
, 201

188

200
, 200

200
328

155

XI.

xi.
xi.

xii.
xii.
xii.
xii.
xii
xii.
xii.
6
xii.
xii.
xiii
xiii
xiv
xiv

5. 8. 6

6. 1

6. 3. 11
4. 1. 1-8
4. 1. 4.
4. 1. 9-11
4 2. 1-10
4. 2. 2-10
4. 3. 1
4. 4. 1-2.

-7

7. 1. 2-9
7. 1. 9

. 1. 3. 4

. 2. 1. 6

Conn. 162
Stud. 123
Stud. 122
xxiii. 331
Actes 237
xxiii, .339
xxiii, 341
xxiii, 334
xxiii. .338

xxiii, 34.5
Conn. 192
Conn. 190
Conn. 160
Conn. 160
. 6. 9. 26-27 Stud. 121
7. 2. 10 xix. 122 (note 3)

Cafikli. CS.

xiv. 50. 1-2 xix. 121

xiv. .50. 2 xix, 123

Chand. Up.

i. 10. 9-11. 9 Stud. 121

viii. 7 xxviii, 86 (note 2)

Cukasap.

iii xxvi, 312

Ixii xxvi, 306

in iine xxvi, .312

Dagakumaracar.
V (p. 138 ed.
Wilson)

xxvi, 177

GB.

i. 2. 17
ii. 5. 1-2

xxvi.

Conn

191
170

JUB.
i. .53. 3
iii. 8. 1-2
iii. 15. 4-9

xxvi,

Stud.
Conn

188-

122

159

189

Kama S p.
(ed. Bomb

101

xxvi,

188

Contributions from tlir jaiminiya Bralnuaija.

205

Kath.

iii. 291. 12

Actes 238

vi. 2

Conn. 180

V. 11. 4

xix. 118

viii. 5

xix. 123

ix. 36. 1

xviii, 18

xi. 3

Conn. 174

xiii. 23. 5

Actes 237

(note 2)

xi. 5

xxvi. 190

xiii. 40. 29

xxvi, 196

xi. 10

xix, 123 ; Conn

188

xiii. 40. 39

Actes 238

xii. 10

Conn. 180

; 192

xiii. 40-42

xix, 119

xii. 12

Conn. 188

xiii. 116. 35

Stud. 120

xii. 13

xxvi, 190

xiii. 5

Actes 234 ;

xix.

120;

Mark. P.

xxvi. 17(

1

xxxiv. .55

Actes 237

(note 2)

XV. 7

Conn. 198

XXV. 6

xix, 123

MS.

xxvii. 2

xxvi, 191

i. 8. 2

Conn. 180

xxviii. 4

xxvi, 191

i. 10. 12

xix, 123

xxix. 1

Actes 226

ii. 1. 5

xxvi, 191

xxxvi

xix. 123

ii. 2. 7

Conn. 174

KB.

xi. 3
xvii. 8
xviii. 1
xxiii. 4
xxiv. 3-4

Stud. 120 ;
Conn. 170
Conn. 174
Actes 233
xxvi. 190

xxvi

.196

ii. 4. 1
ii. 4. 2
ii. 4. 3
ii. 5. 2
ii. 5. 5
ii. 6. 10
iii. 10. 6

Conn. 160
Conn. 188
Conn. 189
xxvi. 191
xxvi, 176
Conn. 198
Actes 226

; 192

Kans. Up.
i 2
iii. 1

xi.x, 115
xix, 120

Pane,
i. 5

xxvi, 188

Katliasarits.
vi. 33
vii. 41
xvii. 114
xviii. 122

xxvi, 312
xxvi, 306
xxvi, 196
xxvi, 306

PB.

iv. 2

iv. 3. 1-2
iv. 5. 1
iv. 7. 3
vi. 1. 1

xviii, 46
xviii. 45
xxvi, 191
xviii, 47
Conn. 176

Katli. Up.
i.
ii. i;. 17

Stud. 123
xix. 122 (note

3)

vi. 1. 6-13
vi. 6. 8
vii. 5. 20
viii. 1. 4

Conn. 196
xxvi. 191
xxviii, 86
xix, 123

(note 1)

jVIanu

viii. 2. 3

xviii. 47

V. 55

Stud. 120 ;

xxvi

,196

viii. 2. 7

xviii, 45

vii. 21

Actes 237

ix. 1. 3

Conn. 170

viii. 85-86

xxviii. 88

ix. 1.4-5; 16-
ix. 1. 22

19 Conn. 170
Conn. 170

MBh.

ix. 2. 14

xviii, 26

i. 3. 6

Actes 238

ix. 2. 22

xviii, 31 ;

Stud. 116

iii. 269. 20

Actes 238

xiii. 3. 12

xviii. 20

206

H. Oertel,

xiii. 4. 16
xiii. 6. 9-10
xiii. 6. 10
xiii. 7. 12
xiv. 11. 14
xiv. 11. 28
XV. 10. 10-11
xviii. 1. y
xix. 3. 8
xix. 4. 7
XX. 15. 1-6
xxiii. 16. 2

Ram.
vii. 18
vii. 38-.39

RV.
i. 32. 12

i. 51. 13
iii. 31. 14
iii. 52. 8
V. 34. 4
vi. 47. 16-17
vi. 47. 18
vii. 33. 7
viii. 2. 40
ix. 101. 1
X. 17. 1-2
X. 38. 5
X. 45. 4
X. 71. 9
X. 108

xix, 123; 125
Actes 227
Stud. 118
xviii, 39
xxvi, 191
xix, 123
xviii, 38
xix. 123
xviii, 47
xix, 123
xviii, 33
xxvi. 191

xxvi. 196

xxvi. 186

xxvi, 195

xxvi, 176

xxviii, 84 (note 8)

xxvi, 19.5

xix, 123

xix, 119

xxvi, 19.5

Conn. 155

xxvi, 195

Actes 237

Conn. 174 (note 3)

Stud. 116

Conn. 176 (note 1)

Conn. 175

xix, 97

Sayaria on EV.

i. 51. 1 xxvi, 194

i. 97 Actes 2.38-239

X. 119 xxvi, 194

SB.
i. 1. 16

i. 1. 28
i. 4. 7-16
i. 5. 6-8
i. 6. 9-18
v(vi). 7. 2

TAr.
i. 5. 2

TB.

i. 4. 3. 6

TS.

i. 7. 3. 1
i. 8. 13. 1-2
ii. 1. 2. 1
ii. 1. 6. 4
ii. 3. 5. 1
ii. 4. 9. 2
ii. 4. 12. 1
ii. 5. 1-2

ii. 5. 3. 2
ii. 5. 3. 3
vi. 2. 7. 5
vi. 4. 8. 1
vi. 5. 8. 4
vi. 5. 9. 1-2
vii. 1. 1. 2-3
vii. 1. 1. 4-6

Stud. 118
xxiii. 326
Conn. 155
xxvi, 193
Conn. 165 mote 1)

xxvi, 195

Actes 237

Stud. 118
Conn. 198
xxvi, 190
Conn. 188
Conn. 173
xix, 123 ; Conn. 188
Conn. 189
Conn. 180
Conn. 189
Conn. 192
Conn. 193
xix, 123
Stud. 117
Conn. 188
Conn. 193
Conn. 175
Conn. 196

xviii, 34

Sadgur.Vedarth.
p. 161 xxvi, 195

Vetrdap.
XV xxvi, 306

VS.
X. 10-13 Conn. 198

xii. 4 Conn. 200

3. Other Texts.

Acta Sanctorum, Vita S. Leonis Tliaumaturgi, 12 Stud. 113

Alexanderlied (Basel version), 193 xxvi, 188 (note 1)

Apollod. Biblioth. i. 9-8 xxvi, 313

Contributions from the jiiiniiiiiya Bniluuaua.

207

Aristopb. Thesnioj)!!., 527

Auberi of Burgundy, p. 47 ; 71

Audollent, Detixion. tabell. p. 374, no. 271,

15-16
Bar-Hebra?us, Bk. of Laughable Stories, iii. 113
Cliaucer. Manciple's Prol., 24
Knightes Tale, 1521
Clironica Kogeri de Hoveden, i. 261

iv. 171
Cic. de rep. ii. 40
Collitz' Samml. griecli. Dial.-Inscli., iii, no.

3340
Comic. Lat. Frag. p. 152
Enoch, Slavic, Iviii. 6
Ezekiel, xxxiv. 22
Ensebius, De vita Constant., iv. 27
Cialen, Med. Graec. op. ed. Kiihn,

xvii, part 1, p. 476
xvii, part 2, p. 829
Cirelliiis i. 23

xvi. 10
Geoffroy of Monmouth, Hist. Eeg. Britann.,

viii. 19
Gesta Bomanorum, no. 159
Gower, Confess. Amant., ii. 2459
V. 6670
v. 6713
Habbakuk ii. 11
Hegesipp. Bell. Jud.. ii. 4
Heliodor. Aethiop. iii. 13—14
Herodot. i. 47
Hesiod. frag. 38 (Sittli
Hippocrat., De morb. vulg., ii. 6

Praedict. ii, p. 221
Histor. de Calumnia Novercali
Homer. Odyss. ix. 366

xi. 235-247
Joannes Balbus de Janua, Catholicon, s. v. himen
Joseph. Antiqu. xviii. 4. 66
Judges 14 and 16

Lactant. Placid. Comm. in Stat. Theb., iii. 283
Argum.Ovid. Metamorph., iv. 5
Lamprecht's Alexanderlied, 83
Legenda Aurea, clxxxi, 4
Lucian. Dial, marin., 13
Macrob. vi. 4. 13

xxviii, 93
xxvi, 184
Conn. 175 note 1

Conn. 195
Conn. 194
xxviii, 90
Stud. 119
Stud. 113
Conn. 201

xxvi, 314
xxvi, 183
Stud. 120
Stud. 121
Stud. 119

xxvi, 189
xxvi, 189
xxviii, 97 (note)
Conn. 201

xxvii, 186
Conn. 194
xxvi, 186
xxvi, 196
xxvi, 186
xxviii, 94
xxvi, 187
xxvi, 312
xxviii, 93
Stud. 116
xxvi, 189
xxvi, 189
xxvi, 307
Stud. 117
xxvi, 313
xxvi, 181
xxxi, 187,
xxviii, 96
xxvi, 179
xxvi, 186
xxvi, 188
xxviii, 95
xxvi, 313
xxvi. 183

(note 4)

(note 3)

(note 1)
(note 2)
(note 2)

(note)

note 2

(note 1)
(note 1)
(note)

208

//. Ocrtel,

Midrash Kolielet, i. 8

M\'tliogT. Vatican., i. 75 ; ii. 219 ; iii, tract, xi. 3
yiv^oyqa(poi (ed. Westermann) p. 348
!Nonius i, p. 103, 25
Nonnus, Dionys., i. 121
Oribasius iii. 78
Ovid, A. A., iii. 787
Fast. vi. 409
Metaui. iv. 218
vi. 116
xiv. 642
xiv. 654
Paitlieiiius, Narrat. amat. xv. 2—3
Pausan. iii. 15. 7
V. 18. 3
viii. 20. 2-4
Plutarcli. De g-arrul.. 11

Theseus, 8
Propert.. i. 16

iv. 2. 20
iv. (v.) 2. 23
Pseudo-Aeschin.. Epistul. x
Pseudo-Callisthen., i. 4
Eeinmar v. Zweter, 137, 1 ; 185, 7
Saga Didriks Kouungs af Bern, 251 (Ungerj =

225 (Peringskiold)
Saxo Grammat. p. 450 (MuUer-Velschow) =

p. 307 (Holder)
Schol. Ploriacens. ad Verg. Aen. iv. 99
Tertull. Apol. adv. gent, 15
Tibull. iv. 2. 13
Tuti-naniah. xxiii
Wolfdietrich. (B), i. 27
Zonaras, Ann., xi. 5 •

Stud. 122

xxvi. 180

xxvi, 186

xxvi. 183

xxvi, 313

xxvi, 190

xxvi, 188

xxvi, 196

xxvi, 185

xxvi, 313

xxvi, 196

xxvi, 186

xxvi, 178

Stud. 116

xxvi, 186

xxvi, 178

xxviii. 97 (note)

xxviii, 94 (note 2)

xxviii, 95 (note 1)

xxvi, 196

xxvi, 186 (note 2)

xxvi, 314

xxvi, 187

xxviii, 91

xxvi. 183

xxvi, 172

xxvi. 179

xxvi, 187 (note 3j

xxvi, 196

xxvi, 306

xxvi, 183 (note 1)

xxvi. 187 (note 2)

4. Index of Subjects.

Abbreviation

of compounds

xix, 101 (note 2) ; xxiii, 331
(note 5); xxviii, 86 (note 5)
of phrases (avadhit = vacam avadhit ;

vadati = bhagaiii vadati) xix, 122 (note 1) ; Conn. 187

abhiyujvanah Conn. 190

abhivarta xviii, 45

acchavaka * xviii, 46

a^vatarl (= crab ?) Conn. 175 (note 1)

Contributions from the Jainiiniya Bmlnnaiia.

209

ac^'viua-i.'astra, gods' race for,

Adaptation of legends for ritnalistic exegesis

Agniliotra

Alialva. legend of,

Aisakrta

iikliyana-liynins

Akuli

Akilpara, legend of.

Alda, comedy

Alexander romance

Amours. Indra's

anabhyavacara

anaparopaya

anapoddharj-a = ' from wliich nothing must

be omitted '
Animals, judgement between men and.
Animals, when created, escape from Prajiipati

Yanj

anna, is bahurupa

' Anubis moechus.' mime

anu])ahuta ' wozu nicht eingeladen worden ist '

Apfda, Indra"s cure of

transformation of her skins
apastiha
apendra

Apollo TazQHWTog
Apollonius" wooing of Herborg
Arrangement of implements over dead body

(Comparative Table)
Aruumukhas, Arurmaghas
Asamati. legend of King
asaiidiayyam. asaiiiheyam
Ass, has double seed
Atiratra, ceremonies connected with
Barrenness of mule
Bede, stones answer
bhisajya (masc. noun)
Bhygu. story of

l^bhu 4- api (impersonal construction)
bibhatseya
"V^brh -f- pra

Brhaspati. marries Usas

Brachylogical omission of the inflexional end-
ing of the former of two words joined by ca
Brahmanas, verbal correspondences in
Trans. Conn. Acad.. Vol. XV. 14

Conn. 162

Actes 236; Conn. 174

xviii, 40

xix, 120: xxvi. 186

xxvi, 192

xix, 97; 99 (note 2)

xviii. 41

xviii. 26

xxvi. 309

xxvi, 187

Actes 233

Conn. 171

Conn. 171

Conn. 190 (note 1)
Stud. 120

xvi, 229 (note on JUB. i.ll.
5) ; Conn. 175 ; 176 ; 178
Conn. 176 (note 1)
Conn 188
xxvi, 187 (note 3)
Conn. 190

xviii, 26; Stud. 116
Conn. 188
Conn. 183 (note 7)
Conn. 188
xxviii, 98 (note 7)
xxvi. 183

xix, 107

xix, 120 : 121

xviii, 41

Conn. 172

Conn. 180

Conn. 162

Conn. 175

xxviii, 94 (note 2)

Conn. 190

XV, 234

Conn. 166 (note 23)

xxiii, 336 (note 8)

xxvi, 193 (note 1)

Conn. 165

xxiii, 340 (note 4)
xxiii. 325

July, 1909.

210

H. Oertel,

Brahmanical legends, two classes of

Vbru -f accha

Burial, Eitual of, according to JB.

(' for s

^acvad

^akti, Yasistlia's son

Castes, creation of

cat, Indra turns into

Catyayana Brahmana

list of fragments

compared with JB.

its version of the story of Sarama and
the Paiiis

Upanisad
Chaining of gods
Change of form, Indra's
Citibahu Aisakrta
Clodius Pulcher
coeundi latus
Compounds, abbreviation of

Compound vei'b resumed by simple verb
Confusion of strong and weak verb stems
crta, punning etymology

dadhi, punning etymology

Dadhyaiic, legend of

Vdagh

Daphne and Leukippos

Decius Mundus, tale of

' Der scholtere ze Paris '

Desideratives = Lat. imperf. de conatu

Dirghajihvi,

legend of

allusion to, in BY.
Disguise,

as story-motif

Indra disguised as woman
Disputations, fatal results of
Dog, unclean
V^drjj = ' stumble '
Durchziehen, Heilung durcli

Actes 235; Conn. 174
Actes 228 (note 4)
xix, 103

xxvi, 192 (note 1)

Conn. 190

xviii, 47

Conn. 196

xxvi, 177 (note 3) ; 19(>

xviii,

15

xviii,

15

xix, 98

xviii,

25

Stud.

116

xxvi.

195

xxvi,

192

xxvi,

309

xxvi.

188

xix, 101 (note 2) ; xxviii,^

331 (note 6) ; xxviii, Sft

(note 5

)

xxviii

:. 86

(note 5)

Conn,

, 155

(note 6)

Conn.

183

; 193

Conn

. 183

; 193

xviii,

17

Conn

. 160

xxvi,

178

xxvi.

187

xxvi,

310

Actes

127

(note 1)

xix, 120; .

Actes 226

Actes

; 236

xxvi.

176;

309

xix, 120

Stud.

121

i

Actes

237

\

Conn

. 159

Stud.

115

Earth, the, has ears ' (proverb)

xxviii. 88

Contributions from the Jaiminiya Brahmana.

211

Ears, tlie earth, pitchers, walls, woods, have

(proverbs) xxviii, 88

• El Burlador de Sevilla ' xxvi, 310

• Epistula ■ (Lat. comedy) xxvi, 183
Exegetical adaptation of legends in the Brah-

manas Aetes 235 ; Conn. 174

Expiations Conn. 161

Faith. Incb-a's bad xix, 118

Fesselnng- der Gotter Stnd. 116

Fires extinguished by magic Stnd. 113

Floris and Liriope xxvi, 309
Foetus, female develops in left side of uterus,

male in right xxvi, 189

Frame-story, theory of xix, 97

Gaupayanas, legend of
Genitive, instrumental

with comparative

V"ha. confused with Vhr

Hair of a horse's tail, Indra transformed into

Heliodorus, extinguishes fire

Helios' wooing of Leukothoe

Hermes and Pandareos, legend of, compared

with legend of Sarama
Hesiod's murderers discovered
Hole, healing by pulling or crawling, thi'ough
Hollenfalirten

Hugdietrich's wooing of Hiltburc
Husband's secret betrayed by wife
Hvmenieus, legend of

xviii, 41
Conn. 178
Conn. 192

xxviii, 86 (note 4)
xxvi, 196
Stud. 113
xxvi, 185

Stud. 124

xxviii, 94 (note 2)

Stud. 115

Stud. 123

xxvi, 183 (note 1)

xxviii, 96

xxvi, 179

V i + pala-abhi
Ibycus, legends of
Identity of priest and divinity
Illustrative legends in the Briihmanas
Immorality of Indra

Inanimate objects witness and betray secrets
Indra.

his amours

and Apala

assumes shape of leech and parrot, or cat

changes his form

his contest with Tvastra

his intoxication

Conn. 172

xxviii, 94 (note 2)

Stud. 118

Actes 235

xix, 120

xxviii, 94 quotes 1 and 2)

Actes 233

xviii, 26

xxvi, 314; 177 (note 3)

xxvi, 195

Conn. 180

Conn. 186: 192

212

H. Ocrtel,

in guise of monkey snatches the soma xxvi. 192

and Kutsa and Luca xviii, 31

liis maya xxvi, 195

in shape of ram xviii, 38

Siindenregister xix, 118

his trickeiy and bad faith xix. 119

his wooing- of Ahalyu xxvi. 186
Intoxication

Indra's Conn. 180; 192
legends concerning the three stages of Conn. 194

Instrumental genitive Conn. 173

Itihasa-hymns xix, 97 ; 99 (note 2)

jam

JaiminTj-a Brahmana

parallels to, from tlie Catyayana Brah-
mana
quoted by Sayaiia
quoted by scholiast to Paiiini (?)
verbal correspondences with other Brah-
man as
Jnds>ement between man and animals

xix, 102 (note 2)

xviii, 15

Actes 225

Actes 232; Conn. 191

xxiii. 325
Stud. 120

k interchanges with t

kalakaiijas

kiinaarupin

Kiliita

Vklp -f- sam-nd

kuta

Kutsa. lee-end of

Conn. 182 (note 17)

xix, 121

xxvi, 196

xviii, 41

Conn. 173

xix. 114 (note 2)

xviii, 31

' La saineresse ' (Fabliau) xxvi, 310

latus coeundi xxvi, 188

Leech. Indra changes into xxvi, 314

Left side of uterus, female foetus develops in xxvi. 189

Legends, two classes of Brahmanical Actes 235 ; Conn. 174

Leukippos and Daphne xxvi, 178

Lex talionis in the next world Stud. 119 ; xxvi, 196

Love, secret, betrayed by animals, plants etc. xxviii, 95 (iiote 1)

Lu(^a, legend of xviii, 31

' Macci (xemini ' (Lat. comedj^)
' Maccus Virgo ' (Lat. comedy)
madhyaratra and madhyamaratra
Magic, extinction of fire bj'
Mare, has double seed (sic)

xxvi, 183

xxvi. 183

Conn. 162 (note 14)

Stud. 113

Conn. 179

Co)itributioiis front the Jdiminiya Brdhmana.

213

Marriage of Prajapati's daughter Usas to Brhas-

pati
iiiaya, Indra's
Midas, legend of
' Moeclius Aiiubis ' (^mime)
Moiike}", Indra changes into
Mule, why bai-reu
Murder disclosed by inanimate objects

-fi for -k in adverbs

n not changed to n

n changed to n after r of preceding word

Nahusa, king

]^ainuca

naumanda

Nectanabus

nu, with imperative

Conn. 165

xxvi, 195; Conn. 190

xxviii, 94 (note 2)

xxvi, 187 (note 3)

xxvi, 192

Conn. 175

xxviii, 94 (note 2)

Conn. 175

Conn. 181 (note 4)

Conn. 163 (note 2)

Conn. 190

xxvi, 192 (and note Ij

xxviii, 85 (note 1)

xxvi, 187; 196

Conn. 171

Omission

of object in verbal phrase

of part of a repeated compound

Omniscience of divinities

xix, 122 (note 1) ; Conn. 187
xix, 101 (note 2) ; xxiii,

331 (note 5) ; xxviii, 86

(note 5)
xxviii, 93 (note 7)

Paudareos, legend of

Panis, legend of Sarama and

Parrot, Indra changes into

Parucchepa

paryaya

Past participle, pecudiar meaning of

Patni

patnisaiiiyaja

patracayana

Paulina, tale of

Paulomas

Peacock, Indra changes into

' Pitchers have ears ' (proverb)

Poseidon impersonates Tyro

Prajajtati

creates castes

creates worlds, Vedas and vyahrtis

his daughters, legends of

his incest
prahayya
praheya

Stud. 124

xix, 97

xxvi, 314

Actes 133 (and note 7)

Conn. 162; 170

Conn. 190

Conn. 188

Conn. 185

xix, 107

xxvi, 187

xix, 121

xxvi, 196

xxviii, 92

xxvi, 313

Conn. 196
Conn. 155
Conn. 173
Conn. 173
Conn. 172
Conn. 172

214

H. Oerh'l,

Praliladiyas

pratiduh, punning etjunology

Priest, identity of, with divinity

Pi-oteus

Puniniidlia. legend of

xix, 121
Conn. 183; 193
Stud. 118
xxvi, 196
xviii, 39

!• in preceding word induces change of n to \\
r confused with ra. ri. ru
ra confused with r
Race,

running of, to decide dispute

I'unning of, at weddings
Eahmenerziihlung, theory of
Earn, Indra assumes shape of
j'atliaiiitara-tune. sandhi-stotra sung to
Eedeturniere
Reversals in sacrifice
ri confused with r

Right side of uterus, male foetus develops in
Rituah'stic exegesis, adaptations of legends to
Vrj \-aries with V^srj
Robeit de Blois

Roman comedy, motif of female disguise in
ru confused with r
Running a race

to decide a dispute

at weddings

Sacrifice, reversals in

sahasramuska

Sillavrka

samai-amblia

saiiiskrta ^= ' taysting place '

Sandhi, irregular

sandhi-stotra

Sarama, legend of

Saudasas, legend of

Say an a ([uotes JB.

Scholiast to Pauiui quotes JB. (?)

Secret

betrayed by inanimate ol)jecta
husband''s, betra3'ed b\- A\-ife
women cannot keep

Sexual immorality of Indra

Simple verb resumes compound

Sneezing, sui)erstitions connected with

Conn. 163 (note 2)
Conn. 172; 178
Conn. 173

Conn. 174 (note 5)

Conn. 174 (note 5)

xix, 97

xviii, 38

Conn. 170

Stud. 121

xxviii, 84 (note 2)

Conn. 172

xxvi, 189

Actes 236: Conn. 175

Conn. 171

xlvi, 309

xxvi, 183

Conn. 172; 173

Conn. 174 (note 4)
Conn. 174 (note 5)

xxviii, 84 (note 2)

xix, 120; Actes 234

xix, 120

Conn. 171

Actes 228

Conn. 183 (note 20)

Conn. 170

xix, 97; Stud. 123

xviii, 47

Actes 225

Actes 232; Ct)nn. 191

xxviii, 94 (note 2)

xxviii, 9()

xxviii, 9(> (note 5)

xix, 120

xxviii, 86 (note 5)

Conn. 186; 191

Cojitribiitioiis from tlic Jainiiniya Bralnitana.

215

Soma(.'usma

V^srj varies with V rj

srksye

A'^srp + aim -pari

st interchanges witli sth

Stones speak

subralimanyii

Suinitra

Siindenregister Indra's

Surd, interchange oi'. with surd aspirate

Svarbhanu. leg-end of

xxvi, 192
Conn. 171

Conn. 155 (note G)

Conn. 187

Conn. 182 (note 20)

xxviii, 94 (note 2)

xviii, 34

Actes 229 (note 9)

xix, 118

Conn. 182 (note 20)

xxvi, 190

t interchanges with k

Taranta, legend of

TiTQc.wTog Attu'aXoh'

' The earth has ears " (proverb)

Transfornuitions

Trickery

Indras'

Tvastra's
trii'ati'a

Trita, legend of
' Trubert,' by Douin
Tryaruiia Traivrsna, legend of
Tvastr's connexion with the Avives of the gods
Tvastra

his duplicity

his heads transformed

Indra's contest with

Conn. 182 (note 17)

xviii, 39

xxviii, 93 (note 7)

xxviii. 88

Conn. 188

xix, 119
Conn. 184; 189
xviii, 33
xviii, 18
xxvi, 310
xviii, 20
Conn. 188; 188

Conn. 184 ; 187
Conn. 184
Conn. 170

y^xxc -f npa

Ucanas Kilvya, legend of

upasuta = ' wozu eingeladen worden ist '

Ui)anisad of the ^atj^aj^anins

Usas, given by Prajilpati in marriage to Brhas-

pati
uv interchanges Avith v

xxvi, 84 (note 5)
xxviii, 81
Conn. 190
xviii, 25

Conn. 1B5

Conn. 182 (note 21)

\- interchanges with uv
Vvac in sense of Vnid
Vasistha, legend of
ve^mapatideva
Vedas, creation of

Verbal correspondences of JB. with other
Brahmanas

Conn. 182 (note 11)
xix, 122 (note 4)
xviii, 47
Conn. 201
Conn. 155

xxiii. 325

216 H. Oertel, Contributions from the Jaiininiya Brahmana.

Verbal correspondences in Briilmianas ; reasons

for ; inferences based on
Vertumnus
Vexiernamen
Vicvarupa
vindra

vTryavan (with a)
Visions

Visnu, story of weaver as
Vrca Jiina, legend of
' vrsanacvasya niena '
Vrtra, punning etymologies
vj^ahrtis, (Creation of

xxiii, 325
xxvi, 196
Stud. 117
xix, 120

Conn. 188

Conn. 180 (note 9>

Stud. 123

xxvi, 188

xviii, 20

xxvi, 176

Conn. 189

Conn. 155

' Walls liave ears ' (proverb)
Weaver as Visnu, tale of
Wedding,

bestowal of wedding-gifts on guests
running of races at
Wife betrays husband's secret
' wiji of ape ' (Chaucer's)

W^ine, legends concerning the three qualities of
Witnesses, inanimate objects as
Woman

incapable of keeping secret

Indra disguised as
' Woods have ears ' (proverb)
Worlds, creation of

xxviii, 89
xxvi, 188

Conn. 174

Conn. 174 (note 5)

xxviii, 96

Conn. 194

Conn. 194

xxviii, 94 (note 1)

xxviii, 96 (note 5)
xuvi, 176
xxviii, 89
Conn. 155

Yatis-

xix, 120-123; Conn. 188

THE AUSTERE CONSISTENCY

OF PERICLES

(PLUTARCH'S PERICLES, IX-XV)

B. PERRIN

VII. — The Austere Consistenxv of Pericles.
(Plutarch's Pericles ix-xv.)

After an unusuall}- lengthy and formal introduction (i, iij, Plutarch
announces as subjects for the tenth book of his Parallel Lives.
Pericles and Fabius Maximus, di/dqwu xatd re uk uX'/Mg aQi^mg o^oU«v.

aQyot'TMi/ dyytouoavyas iocfih^uwrcawi/ rccis nazQiai ytvouii'toy. At the outset,
then, there is no derogator}' note in his estimate of Pericles.

In chapters iii-vi, Plutarch, in customary manner, treats of the
yii'og. 7ic<cdeic(, and ^»og of Pericles. Here also, in spite of the
jibes of the Comic Poets and the unfriendly testimony of Ion, no
shade of detraction is admitted among the portrait-painter's colors.

Chapter vii describes the entrance of Pericles into public life-
When Aristides was dead, Themistocles in banishment, and Cimon
was kept by his campaigns for the most part abroad, ovtm <)»;
(ftQcw o Ih(Jiy.'A^i; ko drjfx([) nQoaEviiyif erairoV, at^zl tuw Tr'Aovaicof xal oUyo'v
id TMf 7To'k'ku)v xcd TiEPr^xwv ii'Ko^ivoi nuqd Tr[v aviov qxaiv rixtma di,fJ.oTixr,y
oiaav. !-JAA', a'? toixe, dsdicvg fxtf vnoxpUc ni^intatiy TVQCtyt'idog, oQajf d ccqigto-
XQttTixoy Tuv KiuiDva xai dictifigoi'img vno zoti' xa'AMf xccya&wy ceyd(J(Of aya-
7jMij.ii'oy, v7ifj'Axi-£ Tovg no'k'Aohg da(pd'Aeini' f^sy savToi, dvva^ty Si xai txtivov
TiaQaaxtvuUuEi'og. Here a slightly derogatory note is heard, which
is wholly inconsistent with the testimou}' following as to the general
demeanor of Pericles. " He made a different ordering in his way
of life. On one street only in the city was he to be seen walking,
— the one which took him to the market-place and the council-
chamber. Invitations to dinner and all familiar and friendl}' inter-
course he declined. . . . Seeking to avoid the satiety which springs
from continual intercourse, he made his approaches to the people
by intervals, as it were, not speaking on every question, nor ad-
dressing them on every occasion, but offering himself like the vSala-
minian trireme, as Critolaus says, for great emergencies. The rest
of his policy he carried out by commissioning his friends and other
public speakers." This is certainly not the demeanor of a man who
" courts the favor of the multitude that he ma}' secure safet}^ for
himself and power to wield against his rival." Nor in the follow-
ing chapter (viii),\ devoted to a description of the " grand manner "
of Pericles, of his irresistible eloquence, and to a record of some

220 B. Pcrrin,

of his memorable sayings, is there the shghtest suggestion of the
scheming demagogue. Phitarch evidently has two entirely different
conceptions of Pericles before him, between which he wavers, not
only here, but often in the Life. These two different conceptions
of Pericles are the Thucydidean and the Platonic, as is clearly seen
from the opening of the next chapter (ix).

Enil ifs Oovxvdidr^g fxcr ciQiatoxQciTixrii' Tivcc zrjy rov HtQixXiovs vnoyQaifei
TioAiTEinv, 'Aoyw /xtf oicav dr^fj.oxQccTiai'^ ^QY'l* '^ ^^'^ ^ov tiqwtov ufdQcg «p;ff;V,
cc^Aoi (ft no'AJ.oi nQuizov vti ty.sLpov 'fnai rou drjfjoi' tnl xXriQov)(^L('.g xat dtwoixa
X((L u/af^My diayo/uag nQocc^&^fai xnxwg iS^iaO^evTH xcd ysfofjii'oi^ no/.iTe'Afj xctl
ax6'/.naTor vno tmv toil noXiTEv/udrwy avil awif.qoi'og xat «vtovQyov^ O^aoineiad^M
diet T(ot> 7T(jccyiX('cTMy avTMt' r] cdjia i-^g jj.tr a^io'Afig .

The words of Thucydides which Plutarch has in mind are in the
famous eulogy of Pericles, ii, 65, from which they may be cited,
with enough besides to complete the Thucydidean estimate of the
man. AXtiou J" riv on ixtit'og fxtf (^ufaihg (w no tt cciaouccn xcd rr^ yyoiiur]
XQi^fKcKoi/ Tt ()\ci'favo)g ud'wQoiaTog ytvo^svog xcnti^t to nXfjifog t'/itvi^eQcog, xal
ovx rjytro fxaX/^ou vn' uvtov rj avtog fjyt, dice to furj xno^tvog t^ oi nQoar^xoi'Tcoy
Tr^i' Svuciuiu nqog ridofijf Ti 'Atytif, oA/l' t/My in d^uoati xai nQog oQyr^v tl
uvxtLTitlv. onoTS yoiiv uia^oiTo ti ainovg jiccqu xai^oy 'ii^Qti ^aQaovi^Tcg, Xsyw)/
xaTi7iXr\a6ti' ini to (fo/Stfa&cu, xal dediorag av d'/,6ywg uyrixa&iaTrj nd'Uv tnl To
x^aQGtJp. iyiyutTo rt '/.oyio uiu dfi/joxQcria, t^yio di vno rov nQonov afdQtg
c(Qxfj- Ii^ this striking tribute Thucydides not only assigns to Pericles
all those high qualities which even his enemies could not deny him,
viz. dignity, probity, and powerful leadership, but also expressly
denies that charge which his enemies made against him, and by
which even so staunch a friend as Plutarch is often influenced, viz.
that he resorted to unworthy means for winning the favor of the
people. It is the testimony of the greatest historian of antiquity,
whose early manhood was lived during the political supremacy of
the man whom he eulogizes, and whose political sympathies were
naturally with the party which opposed that man. It w^as written
after the imperial democracy of Pericles had discredited itself in
the eyes of the Hellenic world and gone down in awful disaster,
a time when the bitterness of defeat and loss might well have found
some echo in the words of a less candid writer than Thucydides
in speaking of him who more than any other man was the creator
of the imperial democracy of Athens. It was written not many
years before that Platonic testimony was given to which Plutarch
immediately refers, and which is practically repeated and emphasized
by Aristotle.

The words of Plato which Plutarch has in mind may be found
in the Gorgias (pp. 515 E, 519 A). ^1/A« rodt uoi tine inl rovw, ti

I

The Anstrrc Cousistnicy of Pericles. 221

keyot^Tdi 'A&)p'ctioi dice Ile^ixkia jit'ATiovg yeyofit^at, jj ncif TovfavTiov 6l«-
4fd-ccQ^fca In' ixtifov. tkvt/ yc<Q eycoye axovw, IleQixXiit nenoiXEvcu A&r^yaiovg
c'cQyovg x«i dtiXovg xcil kctkovg xai cpi'AaQyvQovg, elg yi()&o(poQU(v nqmop xcercc-
GTiqaccuTa.

Avsv yuQ au>q)Qoaii'rfi x«l dtxawavf^rjg ki/uei^wi' xai yeiooicoy xal tsi^mu xcd
(foQMi' xal roiovTWf (plva^uov t^nen'ATqxaai rfji' no'Kiv oxav ovv s^^rj 17 xar«,3oA^
avTr^ rfjs (CGd-evtiag, Tovg tote naQoi^rag cdnaaomai au[j(iov'/.ovg, ®€uiazox'Aia ()'i
xcd Kiuiora xcd IhoixXici iyxwfiic'caovcn^ tovg cdriovg Tciiv xccxwi'.

Conceived in the same spirit are the words of Aristotle in his
Coustiiiition of Athens, xxvii. ]\Iaru cU tcvtcc jiQog lu Sr^fxayioyuv tX-
(^ouiog Uiciiy.'Aiovg, xcd tiqmtou evd'oxiuijaayiog ore xcczriyoQrjae tag tv'ivfctg Kificofog
aTQceTr^yovt'Tog v£og wV. drj/uonxcordQccf Iti crvft'i-irj yei'tG&at rr]f nokiTEucv . . .
inoir^o!: 6i xcd utoi^oifoQct r« dixccarrJQ/a IhQix'Arjg n^corog, cwiidri^ccyoiyMu nQog
Ttjy K/uoji'o? EvnoQiai'.

For both Thucydides and Plato, Plutarch has a profound respect,
and their totally contradictory estimates of Pericles give him trouble,
He solves his difliculty by an amiable compromise. Both authorities
are right, hi the earlier part of his career, when struggling against
powerful rivals for the leadership of the people, Pericles was the
truckling demagogue of Plato ; but once secure in power and rid
of rivals, he changed and became the austere, compelling statesman
of Thucydides. Elsewhere Plutarch is not wholly impervious to the
influence of the mass of calumny and outrageous misrepresentation
which he tinds heaped upon Pericles b}' the multitudinous sources
at his disposal. A.t one time he is willing to make some concession,
and Pericles, though not the base assassin of Ephialtes, as Idomeneus
represented, was perhaps not in all points irreproachable (ndrri ,u£f
/■ffwf ovx ccfindrinTw), yet had a noble disposition and an ambitious
spirit, wherein no savage and bestial feelings could have their abode
(x, 6). He apparently accepts, at least he does not contradict, the
accusation that the Samian war was undertaken at the request of
Aspasia (xxv, 1). Again, in the matter of the Megarian decree
and the personal motives for its enactment ascribed to Pericles, he
suspends judgment. "Whatever the original ground for enacting
the decree — and it is no easy matter to determine this fact, — that
it was not rescinded all men alike la}' to the charge of Pericles.
Only, some say that he persisted in his refusal in a lofty spirit and
with a clear perception of the best interests of the cit}', regarding
the injunction laid upon it as a test of its submissiveness, and its
compliance as a confession of weakness ; while others hold that it
was rather with a sort of arrogance and love of strife, as well as
for the display of his power, that he scornfully defied the Lace-
daemonians " (xxxi, 1). And again, after rehearsing the malicious

222 B. Pcrriii,

charge that Pericles feared the results of threatened prosecution,
■' and so kindled into flame the threatening" and smouldering war,
hoping thereby to dissipate the charges made against him and allay
the people's jealousy, inasmuch as when great undertakings were
on foot, and great perils threatened, the city entrusted herself to
him and to him alone, by reason of his worth and power," Plutarch
has only courage to say, " such, then, are the reasons which are
alleged for his not suffering the people to yield to the Lacedaemon-
ians ; but the truth about the matter is not clear " (xxxii, 3). And
yet the truth was perfectly clear to Thucydides, judging from the
lofty words which he puts into the mouth of Pericles (i, 140 f.),
" I would have none of you imagine that he will be fighting for
a small matter if we refuse to annul the Megarian decree, of which
they make so much, telling us that its revocation would prevent
the war. You should have no lingering itneasiness about this ; you
are not really going to war for a trifle. For in the seeming
trifle is involved the trial and confirmation of your whole jiurpose
. . . Any claim, the smallest as well as the greatest, imposed on a
neighbor and an equal when there has been no legal award, can
mean nothing but slavery- " (Jowett).

In the face of malicious testimony against Pericles we find Plu-
tarch thus making concession, or suspending judgment. But in the
case now under study, where he is confronted by apparently con-
tradictory testimony from authorities high in his regard, we find
him making an amiable compromise. At a certain point in his
career there was a change in Pericles, a uETc<,ioktj, before which he
was the Platonic Pericles, and after which he was the Thucydidean
Pericles. This is the assumption which Plutarch makes in ix, 1,
and then argues fully, with bountiful illustration, from ix, 2 through
XV, at the close of which we find him once more fully imlnied
with the Thucydidean estimate of Pericles. Similarly, in his estimate
of Themistocles, we find him Herodotean in manner and matter,
but finally Thucydidean in spirit. After making his assumption,
then, Plutarch thus proceeds, examining in detail "the reason for
the change."

hi the beginning, pitted as Pericles was against Cimon, he tried
to ingratiate himself with the people. And since he was Cimon's
inferior in wealth, by means of which Cimon won over the poor,
he had recourse to the distribution of the people's own wealth.
And soon, what with festival-grants and jurors' wages and other
feeings and largesses, he bribed the multitude by the wholesale,
and used them to humble the Areiopagus and ostracise Cimon (ix).

The Austere Consistency of Pericles. 22H

The defeat at Tanagra tilled the Athenians with a repentant desire
for Cimon, and so Pericles gratified their desire by recalling Cimon
from banishment (x). That he might make head against the aristo-
cratic party vmder the leadership of Thucydides. Pericles gave the
reins to the people, and made his policy one of pleasing them,
devising for them pageants, and sending out expeditions and col-
onies for their benefit (xi). With his vast building enterprises he
robbed the allies to keep the whole cit}- under pay (xii, xiii), and
the popularity thus won enal:)led him finally to ostracise Thuc3d-
ides (xiv). Thus he succeeded in bringing Athens and her empire
under his own sole control (xv, 1).

•' But then he was no longer the same man as before, nor alike
submissive to the people and read}' to give in to the desires of
the multitude as a steersman to the breezes, nay, rather, forsaking
his former low-keyed and sometimes voluptuous management of the
people, as it were a flower}' and soft melody, he struck the high
and clear note of an aristocratic and kingly statesmanship, and em-
ploying it for the best interests of all in a direct and undeviating
fashion, he led the people, for the most part willingly, by his per-
suasions and instructions. There were times when they were sorely
vexed at him, but then he tightened the reins and forced them
into the way of their advantage with a master's hand, for all the
world like a wise physician . . . And the reason for his success was
not his power as a speaker merely, but, as Thucydides says, the
reputation of his life and the confidence reposed in him as one
manifestly proven to be utterly disinterested and superior to bribes.
He made the city, great as it was when he took it, the greatest
and richest of all cities, and grew to be superior in power to kings
and tyrants . . ., and yet he did not make his ow^n estate a drachma
richer than it was when his father left it to him " (xv, 2-5).

This assumption of a change in Pericles after his acquisition of
complete power is original with Plutarch. It cannot be found in
any of his multitudinous sources. Of contemporary witnesses, such
as the Comic Poets, Ion, Stesimbrotus, Herodotus, Tluicydides, not
one suggests it. The eulogy of Thucydides and the animadversions
of Plato and Aristotle alike apply to the entire career of Pericles.
We must choose between the two, although an amiable compromise
between them may be as convenient for us as for Plutarch. The
contemporary and most authoritative evidence presents Pericles as
consistent in his austerity, remoteness, and majestic power. He was
always the " Olympian." against whose stately figure the w-aves of
scurrilous abuse dashed only to be themselves shattered. Nor can

224 B. Perrin, The Austere Consistency of Pericles.

such a change as that which Plutarch assumes in him be based on
sound psychology, any more than that which Ferrero assumes in
Julius Csesar, at the outbreak of the Civil War, into " a new and
unexpected character, — that of the moderate and exemplary citizen
disposed to every reasonable concession and solely desirous of the
public good." No wonder that Csesar is to Ferrero " the psycho-
logical puzzle of the age." The " Protean changes " through which
he is made to pass are due in great part to the historian's nimble
passage from one set of traditions to another and a conflicting one.
Great natures do not suffer complete change in the hour of their
maturity, though they may be judged very differently by con-
temporary or later observers. According to the view of Thucydides,
Pericles won and kept his marvelous power over the Athenian
people by the same means. He trained and educated them up to
their imperial calling by a consistent and methodical statesmanship.
There was no change in his teaching or his method. His great
work, at least in its outward semblance, though the memory of it is
an abiding inspiration of the race, perished for lack of continued
teaching and method like his. And both Thucydides and Plato
judge the man after his great work had apparently perished. Both
their estimates of the man may, therefore, in a sense, be right, but
not by reason of any change in Pericles. And one may cling to
the Thucydidean estimate of Pericles, and yet follow Wilamowitz
when he says {Aristoieles und Atlien, ii, p. 102) : " die athenische
demokratie, wie Perikles sie vollendet hat, ist ein gebilde, zu fein
fiir menschen, und darum denen selbst verderblich, die sie zur
herrschaft beruft ; an der politik des Perikles ist Hellas zu grunde
gegangen. aber was ware schon, das fiir die menschen nicht zu
fein ware? Platons Staat ist es erst recht, und der staatsmann,
der in der grauenhaften folge von wiisten und blutigen jahrhunderten,
die wir weltgeschichte nennen, einen augenblick geschaffen hat,
zu dem wir sagen mogen, verweile doch, du bist so schon, ist trotz
allem ein grosser zauberer gewesen."

Yale University. B. Perrin.

SWIFT'S HOAX

ON PARTRIDGE, THE ASTROLOGER,

AND SIMILAR JESTS IN FICTION

RUDOLPH SCHEVILL

I

VIII. — Swift's Hoax on Part'ridoe, the Astrologer, and similarJests

IN Fiction.

Readers of Swift will always recall the amusement which they
derived from their first acquaintance with the famous predictions
of Isaac Bickerstaff for the year 1708, "wherein the month, and the
day of the month are set down, the persons named, and the great
actions and events of the next year particularly related as they will
come to pass. Written to prevent the people of England from
being farther imposed on by vulgar almanac-makers." These pre-
dictions, aimed by Swift at one John Partridge, cobbler, doctor,
astrologer and almanac-maker, resemble, in their main features at
least, a tale which can be found in almost all languages of Europe ;
it was so wide-spread and had been so frequently retold, that one
is forced to believe that Swift may have made use of the chief idea
of some one version known to him in his joke on Partridge. For
the sake of clearness, a resume of the latter will not come amiss.

Swift's campaign against Partridge consists of five prose skits ^
and an elegy on the supposed death of the astrologer. In the tirst
he imitates the manner of the current almanacs, and prophesies
events for the year 1708, the first of which is to be the death of
Partridge. The second, purporting to have been written by a
person of qualit}', contains some reflections on Mr. Bickerstafl's pre-
dictions. The third announces the accomplishment of the first pre-
diction, " being an account of the death of Mr. Partridore, the alma--
nac-maker, upon the 29 th instant." Two or three days before the
fatal date, it says. Partridge had fallen ill, was first confined to the
house, and in a few hours after to his bed. Rumors soon spread
that he was past hope, and in his last confession he admitted his
ignorance and discredited the profession of all astrologers. As a
natural result of this hoax, the report of the astrologer's death spread
with great persistency ; " the company of stationers struck the dead
Partridge from their rolls, and asked for an injunction against the
continued publication of almanacs in his name. The fame of Bicker-
staff" extended over Europe, and the Inquisition of Portugal, having

1 Cf. The Works of Jonathan Sivift^ etc., with notes and a life of the
author by Sir Walter Scott ; 2 nd edition, 19 vols., Boston and London,
188.3-4; vol. viii, pp. 437-484.

228 R. Sc/icvi//,

heard of the verification of his predictions, ordered the l^ook to be
burned, as an unmistakable emanation from the Evil One." ^

Partridge could not convince the world that he was still ali\e.
He made known through his almanac for the following year " that
he is not only now alive, but was also alive upon the 29th of
March in question." Thereupon appeared the best skit of the
series, " Squire Bickerstaff detected, or the astrological imposter
convicted." There is some controversy about the authorship of this
paper; but, be the writer who he may, it is generally conceded
that Swift had a hand in it. The article purports to have been
written by Partridge himself, who complains of having been most
inhumanly buried alive, and gives a faithful account of the hard
usage which he has received from the " maUcious practices " of the
pretended astrologer Bickerstaft'. On the night fixed for Partridge's
last, the maid " with a curiosity natural to young wrenches, runs to
the window and asks of one passing the street, who the bell tolled
for?" The person interrogated as well as several others reply that
it is for Doctor Partridge. Then a sober fellow enters and is shown
into the dining room, and when Partridge appears, the intruder is
already on the table with a two-foot rule, taking the dimensions of
the room. He has been sent, he says, to see that the apartments
of the bereaved house are properly hung in mourning. In a great
fury Partridge drives the fellow out, without having persuaded him,
however, that he is still alive. He has no sooner got back to bed
" in hopes of a little repose after so man}' ruffling adventures,"
when Ned the sexton knocks and asks, " whether the doctor left
any orders for a funeral sermon, and where he is to be laid, etc. ? "
Partridge reproaches the sexton for this affront, but the latter replies
that the whole town knows he is dead, and that there can be " no
reason why he should make such a secret of his death to his
neighbors."

For three months the annoyance continues ; people ask his par-
don for greeting him on the street, because he looked so like the
late Dr. Partridge ; the reader of the parish sends two or three
times for him to come and be buried decently or send him sufficient
reasons to the contrary ; his wife is distracted with being called
Widow Partridge. A monument would have been erected to his
memory in the parish church, if the question whether he was alive
or not, had not been voted on, and decided in the affirmative by

1 Cf. Dictio7iary of Natiotial Biography, under John Partridge, vol. xliii,
p. 429.

Siuif/'s Hoax. 229

only two voices. Finally Partridge appeals for redress against
having ])een thus murdered by prophecy.

Then came the last skit, Bickerstaff's answer to Partridge's ex-
postulations. This was intended to show how flimsy all of Par-
tridges arguments were to prove that he was still alive, and closes
with the assertion, that he (Bickerstaffj would have been very in-
discreet to begin his predictions with a falsehood. Moreover, he
insists that Partridge died, not within four hours, but in half an
hour's time of the predicted moment ; and it appears that the astrol-
oo-er admitted in the end that he was dead.

The fundamental idea of such a jest, in which a whole community
seems to join in order to convince its victim that he has died, may
be found, as has been said, in a large number of stories. The
dupe is quite invariabl}- some man, and the deceiver, with or
without the connivance of kind neighbors, is generally his wife ;
in accord with the universally accepted truth of the well-known
adage, tnulicr est hoininis confusio. But these tales, in so far as
their chief motif is deception, are part of a large series of similar
stories which are sometimes found separately, having been handed
down by oral transmission among many peoples, sometimes recorded
together as part of a framework into which are fitted tales closely
allied in their main features, namely the deception of some one for
the amusement of those who design the trick. Before touching
again on the nature and relation of these tales, it will be worth
while to give the story which, of the whole number, most clearly
resembles Swift's joke on Partridge.

This is the first of three hoaxes to be found in a Spanish novel,
los tres maridos biirlados, ' the three duped husbands, ' by Gabriel
Tellez, the noted playwright, better known as Tirso de Molina
(1571-1648). 1

It runs in part as follows : Three women who are quarreling over
the possession of a ring refer their dispute to a fourth person ; the
latter decides that she is to have it, who plays the best joke on
her husband. Only the first hoax concerns us here.

^ Cf . Los Cigarrales de Toledo., Madrid, 1624, containuig a collection of tales,
comcdias and sliort h'ric poems. Tirso de Molina patterned this book after
the Decameronc ; and, like otlier literary miscellanies Avhicli appeared at
that time, it was widely read.

230 R. ScJwvill,

There lives in the neighborhood of the first woman, whose hus-
band is cashier in a bank, an astrologer, one of the kind who could
prophesy more easily what was likely to happen in other people's
houses than in his own. The cashier's wife decides to make use
of this man in her scheme of duping her husband. It is the da}-
before Shrove Tuesday, and that being an occasion which served
much as our first of April for general merrymaking, the astrologer
and prophet forms a plan to convince the husband that within
twenty-four hours he is doomed to give an account of himself in
the next world. Man}- friends are made accomplices in the jest.

The astrologer first meets the cashier upon his return from the
bank that very evening and pretends to be shocked by his l^ad
color. " Has any indisposition got hold of you, neighbor ? " he
asks. The cashier protests that he never felt better in all his life,
while the astrologer informs him with some hesitation of his im-
pending fate so clearly written in the stars. The cashier tries to
laugh the matter away by appealing to other false prophecies
made by the astrologer whose reputation appears not to have been
of the best. He resumes his way home somewhat disturbed, never-
theless, " stopping from time to time to feel his pulse." At supper
he eats sparingly and finally, with a sigh, he undresses and goes
to bed. After a broken sleep, he returns to his customary task in
the morning, remaining at the bank the entire day. While on his
way home, he overhears a conversation carried on by several
acquaintances on a street-corner. " Yes, that was an unexpected
death of Lucas Moreno (the cashier)," says one; "he was found in
his bed this morning, having died without receiving the last unction."
"God have pity on his soul," says another; "but his wife can
marry again." When Lucas is al)out to approach them, they dis-
perse. On the next corner he sees the astrologer and a friend.
The one was saying, " Well, he is sorry at this moment that he
didn't believe me," and the other, " Yes, the ill-fated fellow was
something of a glutton ; he must have eaten too much and had a
stroke." Whereupon the troubled cashier approaches and says,
"What is all this? Performing rites over me while still alive?"
But the others take to their heels in terror, shouting, "Almight}'
Heaven! Here's the soul of Lucas Moreno fresh from the lower
regions." Near his own house the cashier meets another friend
who also beats a hasty retreat, crying, " Blessed souls of Purga-
tory, is this a hallucination or the dead Lucas Moreno ? " and Lucas
answers, "When the deuce did I die to cause so much consternation ?"
and seizes the friend In' his cloak ; but the terrified man leaves it

Swift's Hoax. 231

in his hands, shouting, "Abrenuntio,'' and makes his escape. "Hold
on," says the bewildered cashier, " it is clear that I must have died."
While pondering- thus he reaches his own house and, finding
the door locked, knocks loudly. It is a cold, dark night; no one
is in the house with his wife except one servant, as artful as her
mistress, who, on hearing the knock, asks with a tearful voice, " "Who
knocks at such an hour at this sad abode?" Natural!}^ Lucas
cannot persuade them that he is the master of the house; there-
fore, after some parleying in the cold and rain, he breaks through
the door while the servant flees, and his wife, dressed in mour-
ning, faints at the sight of him. The cashier is now absolutely
convinced of his death. In the meanwhile the servant has informed
all accomplices in the jest of what passed in the house, and when
morning comes, the wife, dressed in gay attire, rouses her husband.
But he, noticing the absence of all signs of mourning, which had
been removed by his wife during his sleep, is more mystified than
ever. He imagines that he is in heaven and rehearses the whole
story of his experiences of the day before, while his wife summons
her friends to prove that her husband must have lost his mind.
All deny that the}' ever met him on the street, or fled from him
in terror, and poor Lucas finds his last state worse than the first.
Persuaded finally that he dreamed it all, the duped husband no
longer tries to explain the jest of which he has been the victim.

This story of Tirso's has a purely literary character, easily dis-
tinguished from similar traditional stories which have been orally
transmitted ; it is, as will be remembered, one of three tales en-
closed in the framework of a fourth ; that is, three stories are told
within a fourth which explains them. In this form the tale exists in
numerous literatures, in versions marked by some diversities, and
it has already been treated by scholars of repute in the study of
fiction and folklore. ^ As a rule, however, every one has given
mere lists of similar tales without attempting to prove their relation
or establish a line of descent from an original version. The latter
is not likely to become possible. At best one may hope to dis-
tinguish between literary and folkloristic, or traditional versions, to
show how the first may be an embroidered form of the second, or
how, among certain stories which readih' group themselves together,

1 Cf. Appendix I.

232 R. Schcvill,

definite relations are manifest. As a full discusion of all the material
is beyond the space allotted to this article, the character and re-
lation of these stories can be merely indicated.

One of the earliest yarns told in many places ages ago, even in
primitive forms of society, is one whose fundamental idea is mysti-
fication or deception of some kind ; the specific class of these in-
numerable tales which concerns us here, turns on the deception of
a man who is made to doubt his own identity. Now the step
from the trick which persuades a man that he is some one else
to that which convinces him that he is dead was a simple one.
Stories of these jests, especially the latter, are very common indeed,
as the appended incomplete references will show. ^ The}' must
have been current all over Europe, and were no doubt stock
anecdotes of every wandering minstrel or friar, merchant or cru-
sader, from the earliest days of the middle ages, until the printing
presses preserved them for later epochs. Bedier seems to believe
that wherever this specific story of a duped husband occurs in an
isolated form, it has fallen ovit of a frame which originall}' held it,
a frame which accounted for and held together related hoaxes.
It must have been rather the reverse. These stories of deception
existed independently, though j^erhaps in a crude popular form at
a very youthful stage of fiction, and were then absorbed into a
complex literary frame at a much later date. When some writer
had conceived the idea of a tale accoi'ding to which a prize is to
be given to that one of three women who deceives her husband
in the cleverest way, he could easily draw upon the enormovis
fvind of folklore for stories of deception. A little embroidery of
one of the many anecdotes circulating about could then make it
suitable for his purpose. Be this as it may, the thing of importance
is the widespread existence of the hoax, according to which a man
is persuaded that he is ill and about to die. Every age and every
nation have examples of it.

4.

In view of these facts, how probal^le is it that Swift was acquainted
with this jest in fiction, especially with the version most like his
joke on Partridge, namely the Spanish tale by Tirso de Molina?
Anyone who hastily considers the character of Swift's age might
be inclined to suppose that imaginative or romantic literature could

^ Cf. Appendix II.

Szuiyrs Hoax. 233

not at that time have been viewed with any very great favor.
This, however, is an unwarranted conclusion in the case of Swift,
at all events, and of his circle of friends ; the unusually miscellaneous
character of his allusions reveals the fact that he made excursions
into many fields of fiction and romance.

There are in his works, in the first place, a large number of
references to books of chivalry ; i and in the specific case of Don
Quixote, 2 there can be no doubt that Swift knew and intensely ad-
mired that work, for it is mentioned by him with great frequency.
He was acquainted also with the noted rogue story Guzman dc
Alfarache,^ a ]:)ook widely current not only in the original Spanish,
but in translations. But there is a peculiar interest in a statement
of his Journal to Stella:'^ "I borrowed one or two idle books of
Contes dcs Fees, and have been reading them these two days,
although I have much business upon my hands. "

This is ample evidence of his love of simple tales, even of fairy
stories. In his Tale of a Tub, it will be recalled, he makes use of
the old story of the three rings. Again, in Martinus Scriblerus'^
there is a " recipe to make an epic poem " which urges the poet
to use certain romances of chivalry. Just so in Pope's Key to the
Lock, the mention of romantic and adventurous tales, such as the
fiction of Petronius Arbiter, Lucian's True History, Barclay's Argenis,
und Rabelais' Gargantua, shows that such fiction was well-known
in Swift's circle of friends. ^

1 Cf . Works, iv, p. 144 : A preface to the Bishop of Sarum's introduction
to the 3rd volume of the history of the Reformation of the Church of
England, etc. : •' I was debating with myself, whether this hint of pro-
ducing a small pamphlet to give notice of a large foHo, was not borrowed
from the ceremonial in Spanish romances, -where a dw^arf is sent out upon
the battlements, to signify to all passengers what a mighty giant there
is in the castle, etc." ; v, p. 301 : The Behavior of the Queen's last ministrj^ :
••it will ... be reckoned such a strain upon truth and probability, as is
hard to be equalled in a Spanish romance, etc. " ; v, p. 432 : The character
of Richard Steele : " he has behaved himseH with such mighty prowess
in his first encounter, that it is suspected . . . that his sliield and his
sword are the gift of some famous necromancer, and equal in virtue to
Mambrino's helmet."

- Do?i QiLixote is referred to often ; characteristic passages are : Vol. ix,
p. 231 ; X, Tale of a tub, j)p. 41, 78 ; xvi, p. 471 ; etc.

3 Cf. Vol. v. p. 407.

* Cf. ii, no. 29, p. 4B8.

^ Cf. Vol. xiii, chap. 15.

« Cf. Vol. xiii, p. 1.55.

234 R. Schevill,

Though Swift ma}' have known many of these romances in Eng-
hsh versions, it is also certain that he could have read them in
the original Italian, Spanish, or French languages, the last two of
which he read and even wrote without difficult}'. Of this there is
ample evidence. " If at night I am deserted," he says, " I read a
little philosophy tirst, then some poetry or a little vSpanish prose,
and never awake out of my studies till all the house is asleep." ^
And in the Preface to Sir William Temple's Works he says: "I
have also made some literal amendments, especially in the Latin,
French and Spanish." 2 Swift's knowledge of Spanish must have
been known to his friends also, for in a letter from America, his
friend HvinterS quotes Don Quixote in Spanish, apropos of Sancho's
opinion on government. Moreover on foreign languages he has
the decided opinions of one who reads them frequently and under-
stands their peculiar qualities ; and in comparing them with Eng-
lish, he even dwells on the superiority which, in some respects,
Italian, Spanish, and French have over his own speech. ^ Finally
Swift's knowledge of Spanish affairs and, of the general condition of
the Peninsula was very extensive, as an examination of his writings
of a historical and political nature clearly shows.

If Swift's acquaintance with Spanish fiction, and so probably
with one of its foremost figures, Tirso de Molina, can be asserted
after what has been said, his reading must have been stimulated
also by the interest and familiarity which several of his intimate
friends showed in the literature of Spain. His close friend Dr.
Thomas Sheridan was occupied for a long time in collecting several
volumes of stories and anecdotes culled from the foremost litera-
tures of Europe. Swift speaks of this collection on several occasions,

> Cf. Vol. vii, p. 203: Two letters to the publisher of the Dublin
Weekly.

2 Cf. Vol. ix, p. 105.

^ Then governor of New York ; cf. Vol. xvi, p. 2G. .

■* Cf. Vol. Ix, p. 87: The Intelligencer, iii. "I agree with Sir William
Temple, that the word (humour) is peculiar to our English tongue ; but
I differ from him in the opinion, that the thing itself is peculiar to the
English nature, because the conti-ary may be found in mmiy Spanish.
Italian and Trench productions : and particularly, whoever has a taste
for ti'ue humour, will find a hundred instances of it in those volumes
printed in France under the luime of Lc Theatre Italicn : to say nothing
of Rabelais, Cervantes and many others. Cf . also j). 88 ; p. 137 (a letter
to the Lord High Treasurer) and ji. 141.

Sivifi^s Hoax. 235

and no doubt knew its contents well. ' It was never published,
but we know that it contained many stories from the Spanish. ~

Swift was also an intimate friend of Lord Carteret 3 whose circle
was interested in the literature of Spain ; and it was at his instance
that the first carefully prepared edition of Don Quixote saw the
hght in London (1738) with the first biography of Cervantes. And
Sir William Temple, too, Swift's noted friend, reveals in his works
and letters a wide acquaintance with numerous matters concerning
the language, the literature, and the affairs in general of the Spanish
Peninsula. Thus Swift moved in an atmosphere in which he could
continually find an incentive to Spanish reading.

Indeed, it is of interest to note too, that when Swift's reputation
spread through England, and abroad, he earh- came to be looked
on as a kind of English Cervantes. ^ And so, knowing how
o-reatlv he admired the author of Don Onixotc, we can imagine him
turning to the adventures of that famous Knight and his squire, to
while away his lonely evenings, when, as he says, he read Spanish
prose long after the rest of the house was asleep. He may also
have included the novel b}^ Tirso de Molina in these midnight read-
ings ; he may possibly have read it in the French version of D'Ouville,^
so frequently printed in his own day. Tirso's works, at all events,
had had influence on English and French playwrights Ijefore Bicker-
staff's hoax on Partridge was conceived, and perhaps Swift ma\'
have thought the jest on the duped husband worth repeating in the
case of the poor English almanac maker.

Yale Universitv. Rudolph Schevill.

^ Cf. Vol. xviii, p. 92: Correspondence; letter to Dr. Sheridan : "I am
confident your collection of bo}t mots, and conies a rire, will be much the
best extant, etc."

2 Cf . Vol. ix, p. 302 : Character of Dr. Sheridan : " He has left behind
liim a very great collection, in several volumes, of stories, humorous,
witty, wise, or some way useful, gathered from a vast number of Greek.
Eoman, Italian, Spanish, French and English writers. I believe I niaj-
have seen about thirty, etc." Cf. also : Dkiionary of National Biography.
under Dr. Th. Sheridan, Vol. hi, p. 86.

' Cf . Vol. xviii, p. 144, Epistolary correspondence : " Lord Carteret
pulled me to the ^A'indo^v, and bade me tell you that he loved and
honoured you."

* Cf. Vol. xviii, p. 337, Letter from Lord Bathurst.

^ Cf. Appendix I.

236 R. Schcvill,

Appendix I.

The following studies refer to the story of the '' man who believes
himself dead " and usually to the versions in which it forms one of
three hoaxes ; some references to the isolated stories of Appendix II
are occasionally added by the authors and annotators.

1. LiEBRECHT, Felix, Ziir Volkskunde, Heilbronn, 1879, p. 124 ff.;
also " Germania," I, p. 270.

2. "Hertziana," the card catalogue of the late Wilhelm Hertz in
the Royal Library of Munich: cf. box 54, EJic, mider " Ehe-
mann halt sich fiir tot."

3. BfiDiER, J., Les Fabliaux, deuxieme edition. Paris, 1895, p. 265 ff.,
and for this, as well as related tales, pp. 197, 458 Ea., 468 Jb.
and Kb., 469 Nb., 470 Ob., 475 Jc.

4. KoEHLER, R., Kleinere Schriften, I, p. 486 ; Orient unci Occident,
I, p. 431 ff., II, p. 686.

5. V. D. Hagen, Gesaintabenteuer, Stuttgart, 1850, vol. II, p. xlix ff.
• 6. Keller, H. A. v., Italicnischer Novellenschatz, Leipzig, 1851,"* II,

p. 98; also Fastnachtsspielc, vol. 30, p. 1300 and vol. 46, p. 322
of the " Bibliothek des litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart," von
dreien Weiben.

7. Landau, M., Die Quellen des Dekameron, Stuttgart, 1884, pp. 82
and 155.

8. Schmidt, F. W. V., Die Mdrchen Straparolas, aus deui Italieni-
schen, 1817, p. xxiv for related hoaxes.

9. Wesselski, a., Heinrich Bcbcls Sclnvdnke, Miinchen und Leipzig,
1907, Buch II, p. 169-70.

A resume of all the versions of this hoax of the " dead man "
in the peculiar form of three stories in one would show how
remarkably well known the tale was all over Europe. In addition
to the Spanish story by Tirso de Molina, there was the much
read French translation by le Sieur D'Ouville, printed in Ristel-
huber's edition : L'elite des contes du Sieur D'Ouville, avec intro-
duction et notes, Paris, 1876, p. 146 if., and notes, p. 168. Ristel-
huber did not know the Spanish original. D'Ouville was reprint-
ed frequently at the end of the 17 th century. An earl}' German
version (Spruch von Hans Folz, cf. Liebrecht, Ziir Volksknnde.
p. 130) resembles Bebels Latin anecdote, which is no. 4 of the
collection mentioned above, fabiila de astiitiis nndienini : and
probably dependent on the latter, are : " Comptes du monde
aventureux," par Franck, no. xli and its verbal reprint by Verbo-

Sivi/t's Hoax, 237

quet le genereux, De trois ivrognes et de leurs femmes^ Paris,
1630 ; cf. Wesselski, above. There are besides : an early German
tale published b}' Keller (cf. Liebrecht, op. cit., p. 128) ; a Nor-
wegian version (Liebrecht, p. 131) ; Islandic (Liebrecht, p. 132) ;
Scotch (Popular tales of the West Highlands), orally collected
by J. F. Campbell, Edinburgh, 1860, Vol. II, no, xlviii, p. 373 ff . ;
Danish (Liebrecht, p. 130); Sicilian (Liebrecht, p. 133); and
Russian (Liebrecht, p. 139).

Appendix II.

The following list gives anecdotes and tales whose subject matter
turns on the deception of a man who is persviaded that he is dead.

1. Jean de Boves, Lc vilain de Baillenl, a fabliau (la femme qui tit
croire a son mari qu'il etait mort). Cf. Montaiglon's Rixciiil, iv,
212.

2. Gastius, Convivialcs scnuones, Basil. 1549, vol. i, p. 200 ; cf. Le
Grand D'Aussy, Fabliaux on cofites, Paris 1829, iv, 195.

3. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla, edit. Crane, London, 1890 ; ex.
ccxlviii, and p. 238. Here the wife merely persuades her hus-
band that he is ill and must remain in bed.

4. Boccaccio, Decamerone, 3rd day, 8th novel : Ferondo, mangiata
certa polvere, e sotterrato per morto, et dall' abate, che la mogiie
di lui si gode, tratto della sepoltura, e messo in prigione, et
fattogli credere che egli e in purgatorio ; et poi risuscitato, per
suo nutrica un figliuolo dell' abate nella mogiie di lui generato.

5. La Fontaine, Coiitcs, quatrieine partie, VI : (taken from Boc-
caccio) Fc'ronde on le purgatoire ; edit, by Regnier : Les Grands
Ecrivains de la France, Vol. v, 1889, p. 379 ff. In this connec-
tion cf. also La Fontaine's Fables, book III, faljle VII, L'ivrogne
et sa femme, Vol. I, p. 223, in which a woman makes her husband
believe that he is dead and in hell.

6. PoGGio, Facetiae: de mortuo vivo ad sepulchrum deducto,
loquente et risum movente.

7. Domenichi, Lodovico, Facetie, motti e burle; cf. Le Grand D'Auss}',
op. cit.

8. Bandello, Novelle, II, no. 17 : La mogiie d'un Bresciano imbriaca,
si pensa esser ita in paradiso, e dice di gran papolate.

9. Doxi, A., Titttc le novelle, Milano, 1863, no. 6 : Novella di Girolam.o
linaiuolo fiorentino che mori due volte e non risuscito nessuna.

238 R. Schevill, Swift's Hoax.

10. FoRTiNi, PiETRO, whosc stor}^ Saiiti is contained in Novelle
di aiitori senesi, Londra (Livorno) 1796, II, 309; cf. also II of
" Romanische Meistererzahler " : Romanischc Schelmennovellen,
deutsch von J. Ulrich, Leipzig, 1905, p. xlii, and pp. 154, 234.

11. Grazzini, Novcllc, seconda cena, novella seconda: Mariotto
tessitore Camaldolese detto Falananna, avendo grandissima
voglia di morire, e servito dalla moglie, o dalla Berna, amante
di lei, e credendosi veramente esser niorto, ne va alia fossa.

12. Sabadino, Scttania novelle, dette le porretane, novella XLI; cf.
edit. La Fontaine, Contes, op. cit, p. 380.

1 3. Cent nouvclles nouvelles. Bibliotheque Elzevirienne, no. VI :
L'tvrogne ou paradis, edit, by Wright, vol. I, p. 38, Paris, 1858.

14. Des P^RiERS, BoNAVENTURE, Contcs ct joycux deuis, nouvelle Ixviii :
' de maistre Berthaud, a qui on fit accroire qu'il estait mort.'

15. Le Grand Paragon des Nouvelles nouvelles, Ixxxvii : " D'ung
abbe qui fut amoureux de la femme d'ung bon homme, lequel
estoit jaloux, et, pour le guerir de jalousie, lay fit boire de I'en-
dormye, puis aprez faingnit qu'il estoit mort et en purgatoire,
et la le fit pugnir de son malfaict, puis aprez ressuscita."

16. Proverbes tllustrcs, Paris, 1665, p. 10.

17. Imbert, Nouvelles historiettes en vers: Le mort vivant, Paris,
1774, III, 1.

18. Hardouin, L' Almanac I I des Muses, 1778, p. 79: Le mort parlant,
conte tire des faceties du Pogge.

19. Ancien Theatre fran^ais. Paris, 1854, II, p. 21 : La Resurrection
de Jenin Landore.

20. Southerne, Thomas, The Fatal Marriage, or The Linocent Adultery,
act IV, scene 1, in which a man is persuaded that he had died
and is awakening from the dead in a tomb. This hoax is to
cure him of jealousy ; cf no. 15 above.

21. V. D. Hagen, Gesamtabenteuer, Stuttgart, 1850, vol. II, no. 45,
p. 361 : Der begrabene cman, and p. xlix of Introduction. Here
the husband is actually buried alive.

22. Pauli, Schiuipf und Ernst, no. 144 : " Finer het gern gewiszt
wie sich sein fraw wolt halten nach seim dot " ; cf vol. 85 of
' Bibliothek des litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart,' and p. 490.

23. Mery Tales, luittie Questions and quicke Anszveres, \evy plea-
sant to readde, London, 1567, no. 82 : 'Of hym that feyned hym
selfe deed to proue what his wyfe wolde do.'

NOTES ON THE ARAMAIC PART
OF DANIEL

CHARLES C. TORREY

Notes on the Aramaic Part of Daniel.

According to the generally accepted view, the book of Daniel is the
work of a single hand. Bevan, Commentary on Daniel, 1892, p. 6,
writes : " During the last sixty or seventy years almost all writers unbiassed
by dogmatic prejudices have maintained both the literary unity of Daniel
and the theory of its Maccabean origin." And Cornill, Einleitung in
das Alte Testament,^ 1905, pp. 242 f. : " Trotz mancher und zum Teil
schwerer Widersprliche in Einzelheiten ist kaum ein anderes ATliches
Buch so einheitlich und so in Einem Zuge geschrieben, als gerade Daniel."
To me, this view is impossible. I do not, indeed, sympathize with any
attempt to analyze the book on the sole basis of the change of language,
from Hebrew to Aramaic and back again ; nor with those who, like
Meinhold, believe chaps. 2—6 to have been the original book, composed
in Aramaic in the fourth centur}' B.C. ; nor, finally, with those who in
recent times have divided up the book among nearly as many authors
as there are chapters. But to me it is quite plain that ivith chapter 7
a neio ivriter takes up the work and carries it on. Both in his mental
habit and in his manner of expressing himself he is altogether different
from the writer of chaps. 1—6.

The first half of the book, as far as the end of chapter 6, consists
of a succession of edifying popular tales, very simply conceived, and
told in a fairly straightforward manner. They deal with miracles, it
is true, but after the naive manner of folklore, like the stories in Judges
or Exodus, or the narrative of Joseph in Gen. 40f